However, soon after
his arrival in Arakan, Suja was robbed and then in 1661 at the order of the
king the entire family was massacred. This tragic event triggered anger and
frustration both in Arakan among Suja’s followers that accompanied him and also
in the Moghul capital Delhi against the brutal murder of the royal family.
Subsequent to the death of Shah Suja, the Moghals led a campaign led by Shah
Suja’s uncle Shaista Khan who reconquered Chittagong. After the massacre of the
Moghul prince and the chain of events of repeated uprising led to internal chaos
in Arakan. At the same time, with the mighty Moghul presence in the Bay, Arakan
lost its lucrative revenue from piracy and of slave trade. The new
circumstances brought an end to the infamous Golden of Arakan that survived
through causing human suffering and misery. In our contemporary period the
event of Suja and the massacre of his family is not the reason why
understanding the dynamics of ethnic relations in Arakan and by extention in
Burma becomes so central; it is largely to watchfully understand the roots of
racism in Arakan and to recognize the refugee production trends of the region.
Indeed, Alamgir Serajuddin expresses rather bluntly the reasons behind the
Arakan problem by saying, “The Arakanese [Rakhines] were a daring and turbulent
people, a terror at once to themselves and to their neighbours. They fought
among themselves and changed masters at will. Peace at home under a strong
ruler signaled danger for neighbours.” (1) True, Arakan a kingdom based
essentially on slave trade when it had strong leader was a constant threat to
its neighbors for its robbers but taking advantage of the internal chaos there
led the Burmese occupation of Arakan and the subsequent neglect under the
Burmese rule and the continued Burmese annexation of the Arakani territory
subsequently turned Arakan into a tiny and backward province of Burma-no doubt
it is the price of being disorderly. Despite its present improvised existence,
Arakan continued to make headlines in the international media not for any
glorious present but for producing refugees. The people that have been
exterminated are no more the Moghs but are the Rohingyas of northern Arakan.
They complain that Rakhine hoodlums along with the Burmese military are
involved in a war of intimidation against them. Rohingyas have been taking
shelter in Southern Chittagong. Burmese Military government and their Mogh
collaborators claim that these refugees are “Chittagongnian people” originally
from Bangladesh. Contrary to the claim, surprisingly even the more recent, the 1978
Rohingya refugees were found to carry Burmese National Registration cards. (2)
But in the 1991-92s there was the fresh eviction of refugees, the latter
Rohingyas arrived in Bangladesh without the NRC cards. Rohingya leaders claim
that the NRCs were being confiscated before the eviction Chris Lewa of Forum
Asia says Rohingyas were being discriminated against on the basis of their
ethnicity and religion. They have been excluded from the nation-building
process in Myanmar and the military regime has implemented policies of
exclusion and discrimination against this group aimed at encouraging them to
leave the country. These systematic policies have maintained underdevelopment
and have been the driving force behind two mass refugee exoduses to Bangladesh,
in 1978 and again in 1991/92. The combination of human right violations the
Rohingya face — from the denial of legal status to restriction of movement and
economic constraints — creates food insecurity and makes life in Northern
Rakhine State untenable for many. Chris Lewa adds, “Rohingya children, in
particular, are innocent victims suffering from the debilitating consequences
of these government policies, which dramatically affect their physical and
mental development, and will have long-lasting effects for the future of the
Rohingya community.” (3) It appears that the influx of refugees from Burma is
not a new phenomenon. The present research findings show that Burmese invasion
of Arakan resulting in the creation of refugees has been a cronic problem in
this region. Even before 1978 mass eviction of the Rohingyas, historically
there had been large scale refugee movements to Chittagong of Bangladesh. As a
result of the historic Burmese invasions of Arakan, in addition to the
contemporary Rohingyas exodus, it even led to the rise of Arakani origin
population in southern Chittagong and in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of
Bangladesh. Among them are the Chakmas (Northern Chittagong Hill Tracts),
Rakhines (In Cox’s Bazar), Marma (In Banderbon), Tanchainga (in the central
Chittagong Hill Tracts). Burmese Invasions of Arakan Among the many Burman
invasions, there had been three major recorded attacks on Arakan. First was by
Anawrahta in 1044 A.D. and the second invasion was by Min Khaung Yaza’s
invasion in 1406 and the third major invasion was by Budapawa in 1784.
Anawrahta’s Invasion of Arakan (1044) Anawrahta (1044-77), by killing his own
brother claimed the throne of Northern Burma for himself. He made Theravada
Buddhism as the dominant political religion of Burma. It was in 1044 A.D. he
invaded Arakan. Anawrahta, who also destroyed the Mon kingdom in the South, was
known as one of the most violent kings of Burma. Ironically he also introduced
Buddhism in Burma. He gave Buddhism, (originally a nonviolent religion,) a racial
and political dimention in Burmese politics. Anawrahta was known as a
“religious fanatic” and his attack of Northern Arakan left some mark in this
direction. At this time, the Chandra-Rohingyas (Hindu-Muslim mixed) population
of Arakan were concentrated in the north was racially different from the
Burmese population. The xenophobic king invaded Arakan as a mission to bring
change from an Indianized population into an Asian variety and helped settle
Tabeto-Burman Buddhist population. It was during his time that Chakmas,
although racially mongoloid, but speaking a Chandra- Chittagonian language even
felt threatned by the xenophobic invasion, left Arakan for Southern Chittagong.
King Min Khaung Yaza’s Invasion of Arakan (1406) In 1406 A. D., the second Burmese
invasion was led by the Burmese King Min Khaung Yaza. As a consequence,
Noromi-kala, the king of Arakan along with his large followers took asylum at
Gaur, the court of Bengal sultan Gaisuddin Azam Shah. This invasion also led to
a large scale influx of people who were the followers of the king to settle in
Bengal. In 1430 A. D., after 24 years of exile in Bengal, Sultan Jalal uddin
Khan sent his General “Wali Khan as the head of 20 thousand pathan army” to
restore Noromikla to his throne. Noromi Kla now takes the name Sulauman Shah
and becomes the king. He shifted his Captial to a new palace site in Mrohaung
In 1431 General Wali Khan removes Noromi Kla and rules Arakan. General Wali
Khan, the first independent Muslim ruler of Arakan. He first introduced Persian
as the official language of Arakan. Noromi-kla again escapes to Bengal to seek
help from the Sultan of Bengal. 1433 Nadir Shah, the Bengal Sultan sent General
Sindhi Khan with 30,000 solders to help restore Noromi -kla as the king. After
this event, Arakan becomes a province of Bengal. Wali Khan was killed in the
battle and his followers were allowed to settle near Kalander River. In return
for the help, the Arakannse king promised to return the twelve feuds of
Chittagong, which most likely be the whole of southern Chittagong that was then
under Arakanese rule. Arakan began to pay annual taxes and Persian continued to
be used as the court language. The consequence of the retaking over of Arakan
by Noromi -kla with the help of the Muslim army had the effect of the
settlement of a great number of Rohingya Muslim population in Arakan. (4)
Budapawa’s Invasion of Arakan (1784) The 1784 Burmese invasion of Arakan was
considered by historians as a genocide for its ruthlessness massacre of
Arakanese population of both Rohingya and Rakhine groups. In the month of
December, 1784 Burmese king Budapawa attacked Arakan with 30,000 soldiers and
returned with 20,000 people as prisoners, destroyed temples, shrines, mosques,
seminaries, and libraries including the Royal library. Muslims serving the
Royal palace as ministers were also massacred. The Burmese king in order to put
down the Arakanese Buddhist spirit also took away Mohamuni, the famous Buddhist
statue, a symbol of Arakanese pride of independence. The Mohamuni was cast in
bronze and colored in gold. It was sent across the mountains of Taungpass.
There were hundreds of Moghs and Muslims forced to carry the statue to Burma
through the inacessable mountanious pass which led to the death of hundreds as
they were on their way to Burma. The kings advise to his invading commenders
that “If one cuts down the ‘Kyu’ reed, do not let even its stump remain.” Ga
Thandi, the king of Arakan took shelter with his followers in the deep jungles
of Chittagong where his decendents still live in Bandarbon. They now call
themselves as the Marma. Interestingly, among the people Budapawa carried with
him were Rohingyas, a British scholar visiting Burma in 1799 met some people
who identified themselves as the Rohingyas. (5) During the time of the Burmese
invasion of Arakan, Chittagong came under the British rule. The British never
attempted to rescue the Arakani king to his throne. To escape the brutal attack
of the Burmese King both Muslims and Hindus of Arakan fled to safety in Chittagong.
Puran Bisungri, a Hindu Rohingya “was an officer of the police station of
Ramoo.”He was born in Arakan and fled the country after Burmese invasion in
1784. (5) Harvey says, traditionally Burmese cruelty was such that ” to break
the spirit of the people, they would drive men, women and children into bamboo
enclosures and burn them alive by the hundreds.” This resulted in the
depopulation of minority groups such that “there are valleys where even today
the people have scarcely recovered their original numbers, and men still speak
with a shudder of ‘manar upadrap’ (the oppression of the Burmese).”(6) During
the invasion of Arakan, the Burmese king took with him 3,700 Muslims and
settled them in Mandalay. Some of them were known to even become the Ministers to
the Burmese king. The decendents of the 3,700 Muslims are known as Thum Htaung
Khunya (Three thousand seven hundred). For the continued oppression, in
Southern Chittagong, a term was coined for Arakan of now Burma as the “Moghur
Mulluk” meaning the land of lawless people, generally referring to the Burmese
oppression of the time. The Arakaniese Muslims and Hindus that continued to
escape to Chittagong resettle there were called by the Chittagonian Bengalis as
the “Rohi”. “During the seven years of their operation, the population of
Arakan was reduced by no less than half. During the early months of 1884, a
quarter of a million {refugees took shelter} in the English territory of
Chittagong.” (7) The oppression of the Burmese became clear from what refugees
had to say at the time: We will never return to the Arakan country; if you
choose to slaughter us here we are willing to die; if you drive us away we will
go and dwell in the jungles of the great mountains.(8) It was during this time
that Rakhines of Bangladesh in the Cox’s Bazar area, Rohingyas in great numbers
and some smaller Arakani tribes also took shelter in Chittagong. The most
significant rise of non Bengali settlement in Chittagong took place due to this
Burmese genocide that took place in 1784. Brithish rule (1826 AD – 1942 AD)
After the Burmese conquest of Arakan, the Burmese king demanded the fugitives
be returned. In 1824 a decisive war between the Burmese and the British took
place resulting in the British occupation of Arakan. By now due to the
merciless massacre, Arakan almost became depopulated. “When the British
occupied Arakan, the country was a scarcely populated area. Formerely high-
yield peddy fields of the fertile Kalandan and Lemro river valleys germinated
nothing but wild plants for many years. (9) Mogh Memories of the past and the
rise of anti-Rohingya racist jolts and shaking in Arakan. It was in the
Kalandan and Lemro river valleys where Rohingya Muslims were farmers and
peasants. There were fewer people to cultivate the land. Rakines males normally
love to enjoy entertainment than do the hardwork. Rohingyas were the
hardworking peasants. The British adopted the policy to encourage the
…inhabitants from the adjacent areas to migrate into fertile valleys in Arakan
as agriculturists. … A Superndent, later an Assistant commisioner of Bengal,
was sent in 1828 for the administration of Arakan Division, which was divided
into three districts repectively, : Akyab, Kyaukpyu, and Sandoway, with an
assistant commissioner in each district.(10) After the British conquest,
despite the memories of horror, but naturally out of nostalgia, some Rakhines
and Rohingya refugees from Chittagong returned to Arakan. Aye Chan, a
xenophobic Rakhine writer calls these returnees as the settlements of foreigners
in Arakan. He calls them as Influx Viruses. Surprisingly, he remains silent to
the Rakhine returnees to Arakanese returning home. He also finds the huge
Rakine (Mogh) and Rohingya settlement in Southern Chittagong due to Budapawa’s
genocide as normal. He characterizes the slight increase in the Muslim
population in Arakan after the British conquest as the settlement by
“Chittagonian Bengali Muslims.”(11) Aye Chan’s claim of these people as being
Chittagonians is due to the fact that he didn’t take into account the fact that
many of the original uprooted people of Arakan returned to Arakan to claim
their possessions. Given such a disturbing climate in Arakan after such a
destruction by the Burmese king, one wonders, why Chittagonians living in a
relatively peaceful region would migrate to Arakan. Naturally, the Muslim
migrants were the original Rohingya inhabitants of Arakan returning to their
ancestral homes. It is evident from the fact that in the aftermath of the
genocide, despite the return of order by the British occupation, but the fear
of uncertainity still persisted and the returnees driven by nostalgia and even
many other Rohingyas preferred to work in Arakan only as “seasonal labourers.”
1930 and 1938 anti Indian riots. In the meantime, there was 1930 and 1938 anti
Indian riots and Burma for Burmese campaign led by the Monks made Muslims of
Arakan felt the threat of their existence in Burma but the British census at
this time made things more complicated for the Arakani Rohingyas. The British
identified the Rohingyas of Arakan as the Indian Muslims. Japanese Rule
(1942-1945) The next large scale migration of Rohingyas to Chittagong took
place during World War II. In 1942 Japan occupied Burma and the
ultra-nationalist Buddhists jointly massacred the Karens, the Mons and in
Arakan the Rohingyas. Feeling the threat of extinction, and certain Rakhines
determined to drive out the Muslims of Arakan, Muslim leaders officially took
the already existing name for their suffering community as the Rohingyas. However,
Rohingyas were conveniently identified by the Rakhine extremists as being the
Chittagonians. During the time of Japanese occupation, the number of Rohingya
death in Arakan was staggering to be over 100,000. Rohingyas call the event as
the “Karbalai Arakan,” the bloodshed in Arakan. (12) In 1942 when the British
withdrew from Arakan, the Japanese immediately took over control of Arakan. The
Arakanese xenophobic hoodlums began to incite people with the slogan, “our
brothers came, and your brothers left you.” The hoodlums began to attack the
Muslim villages in souhern Arakan and the Rohingya Muslims fled to the North
where they took vengeance on the Rakhines in Buthidaung and Maungdaw
townships(13) Ashraf Alam provides a list of 294 villages destroyed in the
pogroms of 1942: (a) Myebon in Kyaukpru District 30 villages; (b) Minbya in
Akyab District 27 villages; (c) Pauktaw in Akyab District 25 villages; (d)
Myohaung in Akyab District 58 villages; (e) Kyauktaw in Akyab District 78
villages; (f) Ponnagyun in Akyab District 5 villages; (g) Rathedaung in Akyab
District 16 villages; and (h) Buthidaung in Akyab District 55 villages. (14) In
1950, a memorandum by the public of Maungdaw demanded the protection of
fundamental rights and demanded an unconditional repatriation of Rohingyas from
Chittagong. Yoger claims that during this time the Arakani Muslim migration to
Chittagong was at 20,000.(16). There was no action taken by the British to
bring the Rohingya refugees back to Arakan. But due to this event, the Rakhine-Rohingya
relations deteriorated further. Aye Chan says: “It is certain that hundreds of
Muslim inhabitants of southern Arakan fled north.(15). At the same time Chan
from his chauvinistic believes contradicted himself by saying that Rohingyas in
Butheding, Maungdaw etc. areas in the north bordering Bangladesh are migrants
from Chittagong. In this Chan seems to have failed to keep consistency in his
arguments. Rohingya Refugees in Chittagong during U Nu’s period (1948-1962) In
1948 Burma became independent from British rule. Rohingyas again began to be
protection less. Aung San became Burma’s democracy leader. He was trying to
bring ethnic harmony through dialogue with ethnic minorities but the entire
team of democracy leaders including Aung San was assassinated by powerful
quarters who sought to control Burma by force. 1958 Rohingya refugges took
shelter in East Pakistan; the number of refugees identified as being 10,000.
(17) 1959, Burma agreed with East Pakistan governor Zakir Hossain to take back
Rohingya refugees who had taken shelter in Chittagong in 1958. When questioned
“why refugees were pouring into Pakistan from Burma, the Govornor replied that
the government of Burma had noting to do with it. Actually the Moghs of Arakan
were creating the trouble.” (18) In 1960 The Daily Guardian, Rangoon, 27th
October 1960 reports that Burmese “Supreme Court quashes expulsion orders
against Arakanese Muslims.”(19) It is true, the disturbances were not entirely
foreign inspired. Pumped up in prejudice by the leading Pongyi activist, U
Ottama, from 1930’s Arakan became anti-Rohingya and anti-Muslim. (20) Rohingya
Refugees during Military rule (1962-) In 1962, General Ne Win took over power
and confiscated most Indian and Chinese owned businesses in Rangoon and began his
Burmanization policy which advocated that “Burma is for Burmans,” referring
that Burma is for racially Mongoloid and religiously Buddhist people. Ne Win
first began a policy of “divide and rule” in Arakan between the Mogh and the
Rohingyas. His government identified the Rohingyas as “Indian Bengalis” from
Chittagong migrated to Burma during the British period beginning from 1826.
(20) As mentioned warlier, in 1978 an officially recorded 207,172 Rohingyas
took shelter in Chittagong. UNHCR and Amnesty International investigation found
out that Rohingyas were carrying Burmese National Registration cards. I have
personally visited the refugee camps in Ukhiya of southern Chittagong. The area
was as if a sea of refugee camps. When asked people if they had any documents
proving their citizenship, little children ran to their parents to fatch the
documents. I have seen NRC certificates with Burmese seal testifying their
Burmese nationality. This revealation by international agencies, forced the
Burmese government to accept the Rohingyas back to Arakan.(21) In 1982 the
military rulers passed the Citizenship Act in which it made a povision that
Burmese people’ ancestors who came to settle in Burma before 1826 will be
considered as “foreigners. ” Rohingyas were seen as people migrated from
Chittagong of Bangladesh after 1826. Aye Chan and other similar Rakhines
followed this line of xenophbic interpretation. Aye Chan wrote dehumanizing
books and articles, identifying Rohingyas as the Bengali Muslim Immigrants”
from Bangladesh. Contrary to such assertions, Rohingya’s earliest ancestory in
Arakn however, dates back to the 8th century. Our research shows that Rohingyas
called by the Arakan’s Tibeto-Burman population as the Kula were the offsprings
of the aboriginl Indian Chandras, Arabs, Persians, the soliders of the Bengal
Sultan’s army, the offsprings of the Mogh-Portuhuese captured Bengali slaves,
Portuguese offsprings. (22). The name Rohingya was adapted by these people from
various origins as a survival mechanism. In 1990-92 again over 2,68,000
Rohingyas were sent back to Bangladesh. This time the Burmese government made
sure that Rohingyas do not carry any official Burmese document. Rohingyas
continue to be identified as “foreigners” and now suffer in the land they were
born and brought up. The Burma’s military in alliance with the Rakhine
ultra-nationalist plays an extermination policy based on fear and intimidation.
(23) Habib Siddiqui identifies some of the major armed operations of
intimidation against the Rohingya people, orchestrated by the Burmese
government since 1948: 1. Military Operation (5th Burma Regiment) – November
1948 2. Burma Territorial Force (BTF) – Operation 1949-50 3. Military Operation
(2nd Emergency Chin regiment) – March 1951-52 4. Mayu Operation – October
1952-53 5. Mone-thone Operation – October 1954 6. Combined Immigration and Army
Operation – January 1955 7. Union Military Police (UMP) Operation – 1955-58 8.
Captain Htin Kyaw Operation – 1959 9. Shwe Kyi Operation – October 1966 10. Kyi
Gan Operation – October-December 1966 11. Ngazinka Operation – 1967-69 12. Myat
Mon Operation – February 1969-71 13. Major Aung Than Operation – 1973 14. Sabe
Operation February – 1974-78 15. Naga-Min (King Dragon) Operation – February
1978-79 (resulting in exodus of some 300,000 Rohingyas to Bangladesh) 16. Shwe
Hintha Operation – August 1978-80 17. Galone Operation – 1979 18. Pyi Thaya
Operation, July 1991-92 (resulting in exodus of some 268,000 Rohingyas to
Bangladesh) 19. Na-Sa-Ka Operation, since 1992.(24) Despite a clear evidence of
Burmese invasion and atrocities on the Rohingyas, resulting in the latter to
take shelter in Chittagong, xenophobic writer’s continue to propagate that
Rohingyas are “Chittagonians. ” The intensity of the nationalist hatred by the
military reached so deep into the Burmese consciousness that today even some
Burmese people began to believe that indeed Rohingyas are “Chittagonians” from
Bangladesh. Contrary to this, the present research found that the production of
refugees in general and the Rohingya refugees in particular from Arakan is not
a new phenomenon; the study reveals that the internal troubles in Arakan along
with the historic Burman invasions of Arakan from time to time led to the rise
of not only the tribal people in Chittagong and in Chittagong Hill Tracts,( the
Arakanese Rakhine settlements in Bandorban and Cox’s Bazar, a result of mainly
1784 Burmese invasions, the Chakma settlements in Chittagong Hill Tracts) but
also the Rohingyas settlements in the entire southern Chittagong area upto the
Sangha River close to Bandarbon. In understanding the refugee problem in
Western Burma, the phenomenon of intolerance seems to be the deep-rooted cause.
In Burma, Burma’s xenophobic authors continue to brand Rohingyas as the Chittagonians
of Bangladesh. Rohingyas are not recognized as the “taingyintha” (indigenous)
people of Burma for their racial differences with the Rakhines and the Burmans.
It is an encouraging sign to see that, while the ancestors of the Rakhine Moghs
of Bandarbon and Cox’s Bazar, the Chakmas of Chittagong Hill Tracts and the
Rohingyas of Southern Chittagong were originally from Arakan took shelter in
Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts throughout this period, in Bangladesh,
they are not being seen by Bangladeshis as foreigners from Arakan. It is
evident that after the independence of Bangladesh these nonbengalis together
with the Bengalis are now being identified on their territorial identity as
being the Bangladeshis. The Bangladeshi Rohingyas in southern Chittagng, who
migrated before 1971 are also being considered as Bangladeshis. Justifiably, in
the democratic Bangladesh, no one should question the birth right of
citizenship of the Chakmas, the Moghs and the other smaller tribals and the
Bangladeshi Rohingyas. In Arakan however, even after a million Rohingya people
left Arakan, who now live in deplorable condition in Bangladesh, India,
Pakistan, Malaysia, Japan, Thailand, and in the Gulf states, these
ultra-nationalists continue to justify that Rohingyas are not Burmese citizens.
It appears that the problem in Arakan is deep enough to go away sooner. This is
evident from what U Khin Maung Saw, a typical Arakani xenophobe had to say, “As
a born Arakanese [I am as a Rakhine author] is obliged to write the true story
of the so-called “Rohingyas.” (25) It denied the Rohingya rights by saying “the
so-called Rohingya.” Today, Arakan’s true hisory refers to an exclusionist
history that Arakan belongs to the Rakhines only and wish Rohingyas should be
sent to Bangladesh. Reacting to the Burmese policy of extermination of the
Rohingyas, Saeed Khan wrote: “People have migrated for work or love or whatever
reason during the entire history of mankind… If we go by the logic that Rohynga
people have roots in Chittagong they should all be thrown out of present day
Burma/Myanmar then by that logic every person of nonaboroginal root should be
thrown out of Australia, and every person with non native American root should
be thrown out of America, every one with roots in West bengal in Bangladesh
should be thrown out and everyone with roots in East Bengal should be thrown
out of West Bengal/India. And if we keep on going like this we will reach a
point where everyone should be thrown out of everywhere as according to science
and genetics there is no so called “pure race”. According to science every one
in the present world has roots in a group of people out of Africa. So should we
all go back to Africa? (27) In sending everybody to Africa, the only problem is
that ever since human races left Africa, half of Africa dried up to become the
uninhabitable Sahara desert. In the meantime, Burmese invasion of Arakan on the
Rohingya people continues and they escape persecution by land and by sea by
boat risking their lives; those who survive live in refugee camps as Burma’s
stateless refugee people. Postscript: In the above article, a review of the
historical documents on the orign of the Tribes of Chittaging Hill Tracts show
that all the major tribes of Chittagong Hill Tracts, especially the Chakma of
Northern Chittagong Hill Tracts, Marma of Bandarbon and the Rakhines of Cox’s
Bazar and the Rohingyas settled in Southern Chittagong were originally migrants
from Arakan of Burma, the latter one the Rohingyas are the most recent migrants
and the Rakhines migrated as late as during the British period. After the
liberation war of Bangladesh, the tribals staged armed rebellion against
Bangladesh claiming them as being the aboriginal people; on this ground they
even wanted the independence of Chittagong Hill Tracts. In this conflict the
tribals armed by India, the total number of people both tribals and Bengalis
that lost their lives were 1677 among them 1329 were Bengalis) Artifacts found
and the given names of Chittagong Hill Tracts show Bengalis have been in
Chittagong Hill Tracts from Prehistoric times. The new Bengali settllers in the
Hill Tracts however were people mostly from Northern and South Western
Bangladesh who land lost land due to river erosion or from the gradual
desertification in those regions and according to the most recent Bangladesh
census the population of Chittagong Hill Tracts is 45% Muslim Bengali and the
rest comprised 55%. Bangladesh constitution rightfully accepts the tribals as
the citizens of Bangladesh. However, there is a growing concern that Hasina
government giving the tribals the aboriginal status and therefore special
status over the Bengalis is denying the rights of Bengalis in the land of their
birth. In contrast, it is true, India the broker between the Tribals and the Hasina
government itself to stop the fear of seperation itself settles non Kashmiris
in its occupied Kashmir. Many in Bangladesh fear that Bengali rebellion and the
move by Hasina against its Bengali population will help the excelleration of
the tribal separatist movement that originally began from the time of
Bangabandu Sheikh Mijibur Rahman) See for more details on the Hill Tracts: For
details on Chittagong Hill Tracts and comments see Abid Bahar, Issues of
Dispute and Contemporary Problems in Chittagong Hill Tracts,http: //groups.
yahoo.com/ group/mukto- mona/message/ 49338?l=1 COMMENTS on Abid Bahar’s,
Issues of Dispute and Contemporary Problems in Chittagong Hill Tracts :
http://indigenousis suestoday. blogspot. com/2008/ 08/august- 5-12-2008-
five-key- indigenous. Html Koya said… Dear Friend, I belong to the Gond tribe
of India and you must be aware that in India tribal are being systematically
displaced and killed in the name of development by the Indian Government
policies and USA expansion policies in India. We have registered a political
party by the name “Prithak Bastar Rajya Party” where we will be demanding a
separate Bastar State to safe guard the interest of the tribal. Evo Morales is
an inspiration for us. Below is also a video link which might give you some
insight to our plight. http://in.youtube. com/watch? v=1O2WwESwJhw I would be
grateful if you can mobilize some support for us in your country. Regards,
Prabhat bhumkal.blogspot. com AUGUST 13, 2008 1:14 PM Peter N. Jones said…
Prabhat, Thank you for sending along this important information. A post on the
Gond indigenous peoples is up – let us hope that this gets disseminated around
so that more people become aware of what is happening. Peace. AUGUST 14, 2008
7:00 AM Anonymous said… Several things contributed to the Chittagong Hill
Tribes’s problems: (1) The prominent one is about Kaptai dam, built during
Pakistan period. In reacting to this the tribals legitimately showed histaria
but enthusiast foreign inspiration especially from Juric Univesity helped the
Chakma tribal leadership to hijak the issue by the more marxist elements of the
Chakma groups. The Chakma leadership romantacized the problem and took the
issue as a matter of class struggle and recommended to its tribal followers
(a)to fight for the independence of Chittagong Hill Tracts (b)lived by 50%
tribals and 45%Bengalis. On top of this lack of reality check, written records
show (c)all these tribes took shelter in Chittagong Hill Tracts to escape
Burmease invasion of Arakan. The last one, the Rakhines took shelter in 1784.
(d)The total Tribal population is even less than a million. (2) Rmanticizing
with the independence idea created fear among Bangladeshi people. Further
romanticizing continues today by almost every tribal groups, even small tribes
as the Tanchangyas (2000 families) to change their name to Tanga (Burmese), and
adapt Burmese script as their written language. (3) India took advantage of the
alienation and helped arming the tribals. (4) To its effect now there is the loss
of trust between Bengalis and the Tribals.Tribals instead of romancing with the
wrong idea of Marxism, should learn the majority language and compete with
Bengalis and enjoy the freedom given to everybody as being Bangladeshi. Such
freedom is missing in the military ruled Burma and in the so-called secular
Indian north East where groups like Mizoos, Asamese demanding independence are
being massacred by droping bombs from the shy.It is too bad that the Chakma
marxist leadership made more steps backward for all the tribes to now make the
tribals in general suffer. AUGUST 18, 2008 11:12 PM Peter N. Jones said… Thanks
for the contribution Abid. I’ve hotlinked it because it is really very
informative. Issues of Dispute and Contemporary Problems in Chittagong Hill
District. As it points out, the issues are much more complicated then many
realize, and the biggest problem has been the lack of inclusion of indigenous
concerns and voices. Endnotes 1. Alamgir Serajuddin, Asiatic Society
Bangladesh, Vol. xxx (1), June, 1986. 2. Abid Bahar, “Dynamics of Ethnic
Relations in Burmese Society:A Case Study of Interethnic Relations between the
Burmese and the Rohingyas,”An Unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Windsor,
Canada, 1981 3. Chris Lewa, Issues to be Raised Concerning the Situation of
Rohingya Children in Myanmar(Burma) Form- Asia, Nov. 2003. 4. Mohammad Ashraf
Alam, A Short Historical Background of Arakan, Arakan Research Society,
Chittagong, Bangladesh, October 2006, http://www.rohingya .org/index.
php?option= com_content&task=view&id=20&Itemid=30 Also see Muhammad
Enanmul Haq and Abdul Karim Shahitya Visharad’s work Bengali Literature in the
Court of Arakan 1600-1700. 5. Francis Buchanan, A Comparative Vocabulary of
Some of the Languages Spoken in the Burma Empire.” Pp. 40-57; Also Francis
Buchanon in South East Bengal (1798). His journey to Chittagong, the Chittagong
Hill Tracts, Noakhali and Comilla. Also in Michael Charney, Buddhism in Araka:
Theories of Historiography of the Religious Basis of Ethnonyms in the Forgotten
Kingdom of Arakan from Dhanyawadi to 1962. (5) Ibid, 1992, 79 6. Harvey, 1947,
161; A Short historical background of Arakan, Internet site:
http://www.rohingya times.i p.com/ history/history_ maa.html, also see N. M.
Habibullah,History of the Rohingyas,Banglades h Co-operative book society
Limited, 1995; De Barros. J. 1973. Da Asia: decadas III & IV. Lisboa: S.
Carlos., Habibullah, A.B.M. 1945. “Arakan in the Pre-Mughal History of Bengal”
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (Letters 11). 7. Cited in M.
Habibullah, History of the Rohingyas, Bangladesh, 1995, p. 27.M.S. Collins also
cited in the book; see Abdul Haque Chawdhury, Chattagramer Ittihas Prosongo,
(the old Society and Culture of Chittagong), part 11, 1975, p2., 16. 8. Harvey,
1947, p.181; 9. Charney, 1999, p.279 10. Furnivall, 1957:29. 11. Aye Chan,
Enclave, 2005; Also see abid Bahar, Aye Chan’s Enclave Revisited, 2007. 12.
Rohingya Outcry 13. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, A Study of a Minority
Group, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden Moshe Yoger, 1972:67. 14. Mohammad Ashraf
Alam, A Short Historical Background of Arakan 15. Aye Chan, 2005. 16. Moshe
Yoger, 1972, p98. 17. Pakistan Times, August 26, 1959. 18. Pakistan Times 27th
August 1959 19. 1960 The Daily Guardian, Rangoon, 27th October 1960. 20. Abid
Bahar, Tagore’s Paradigm Exposed in “Dalia”, June 03 2008, http://groups.
google.com. vn/group/ soc.culture. bengali/msg/ 80428f57a0e9a903 , 21. Rohingya
Outcry and Demands, Rohingya Patriotic Front (RPF), Arakan (Burma), 1976,. 22.
Abid Bahar, Dynamics of Ethnic Relations in Burmese Society:A Case Study of
Interethnic Relations between the Burmese and the Rohingyas,An Unpublished M.A.
thesis, University of Windsor, Canada, 1981 23. Ibid 24. Habib Siddiqui, What
is Happening in Burma? http://www.albalagh .net/current_ affairs/0090. shtml
25. U Khin Maung Saw,The Origins of the name Rohingya”, 06, 11, 2005 ; Sara
Smith Faked History, Burma Digest, 28, 11, 2005. 26. Aye Chan, The Development
of a Muslim Enclave in Arakan (Rakhine) State of Burma (Myanmar)” in U Shw Zan
and Aye Chan’s Influx Viruses, The Illegal Muslims in Arakan, (New York,
Arakanese in United States, Planetarium Station 2005), 14-33. The book was
published in the United States. It was also published on line website.http:
//www.rakhapura.com, 2005, accessed on November 20, 2005. 27. Banglanari, Yahoo
group, January, 19, 2006, fight4rightnow@ y… banglarnari@ yahoogroups.com, (
This article was originally published as “Burmese Invasion of Arakan and the
Rise of Non-Bengali Settlements in Chittagong of Bangladesh”, February 15 2006.
It was also published in the author’s book, Burma’s Missing Dots, chapter 6,
Flapwing Publishers, 2009. A post script on contemporary developments is also
added with the present article) Abid Bahar, Canada E MIal : abidbahar@yahoo.
com
====================================================================================================
Historical Background of Arakan By Mohamed Ashraf Alam INTRODUCTION: ARAKAN,
once a sovereign and independent State, is now one of the states of the Union
of Burma. The Arakan State comprises a strip of land along the eastern coast of
the Bay of Bengal from the Naf River to Cape Negaris and stretches north and
south touching Bangladesh on the Northwest. The river Naf separates it from
Chittagong region of Bangladesh.1 It is cut off from Burma by a range of near
impassable mountains known as Arakan Yomas running north to south, which was an
obstacle against permanent Muslim conquest. The northern part of Arakan, today
called the “North Arakan,” was point of contact with East Bengal. These
geographical facts explain the separate historical development of that area –
both generally and in terms of its Muslim population until the Burmese king
Bodaw Paya conquered it on 28th December 1784 AD.2 Under different periods of
history Arakan had been an independent sovereign monarchy ruled by Hindus,
Buddhists and Muslims. THE ETYMOLOGY OF ARAKAN AND ROHANG The word Arakan is
definitely of Arabic or Persian origin having the same meaning in both these
languages. It is the corruption of the word Arkan plural of the word Al-Rukun.
There exists some controversy about the origin of the name of ‘Arakan’ on which
traditional and legendary sources differ. In fact, the name of Arakan is of
much antiquity. In Ptolemy’s Geografia (150 AD) it was named ‘Argyre’. Early
Buddhist missionaries called Arakan as ‘Rekkha Pura’. In the Ananda Chandra
stone pillar of Chandra dynasty (8th Century) at Shitthaung Pagoda in Mrauk-U
the name of Arakan was engraved as “Arakades’s”. In a Latin Geography (1597 AD)
by Peta Vino, the country was referred to as ‘Aracan’. Friar Manrique (1628-43
AD) mentions the country as ‘Aracan’. 3 In the work of Arab geographer
Rashiduddin (1310 AD) it appears as ‘Rahan or Raham’. The British travellers
Relph Fitch (1586 AD) referred the name of Arakan as ‘Rocon’. In the Rennell’s
map (1771 AD), it is ‘Rassawn’. Tripura Chronicle Rajmala mentions the name of
Arakan as ‘Roshang’. In the medieval works of the poets of Arakan and
Chittagong, like Quazi Daulat, Mardan, Shamser Ali, Quraishi Magan, Alaol,
Ainuddin, Abdul Ghani and others, they frequently referred to Arakan as
‘Roshang’, ‘Roshanga’, ‘Roshango Shar’, and ‘Roshango Des’. Famous European
traveller Francis Buchanam (1762-1829 AD) in his accounts mentioned Arakan as
“Reng, Roung, Rossawn, Russawn, Rung”. In one of his accounts, “A Comparative
Vocabulary of some of the languages spoken in the Burman Empire” it was stated
that, “ the native Mugs of Arakan called themselves ‘Yakin’, which name is also
commonly given to them by the Burmese. The people of Pegu are named ‘Taling’.
By the Bengal Hindus, at least by such of them as have been settled in Arakan,
the country is called Rossawn. The Mahammedans who have long settled at Arakan
call the country ‘Rovingaw’ and called themselves ‘Rohinga’ or native of
Arakan. The Persians called it ‘Rkon’.” The Chakmas and Saks of 18th century
called it ‘Roang’. Today the Muslims of Arakan call the country ‘Rohang’ or
‘Arakan’ and call themselves ‘Rohingya’ or native of Rohang. The Maghs call
themselves ‘Rakhine’ and call the country ‘Rakhine Pye’ or country of Rakhine.4
THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE The total area of Arakan is about 20,000 square miles.
But Arakan Hill-tracts District (5235 square miles) and southern most part of
Arakan were partitioned from Arakan. So, it has now been reduced to 14,200
square miles.5 The earliest inhabitants of Arakan belong to the Negrito group.
They are mentioned in the Arakanese Chronicle as Rakkhasas or bilus (cannibals).
They appear to be Neolithic descendants of the people of Arakan but no trace of
them has yet been discovered in Arakan. At present two major ethnic races, the
Rohingyas and the Rakhines (Maghs) inhabit in Arakan. The Rohingyas are Muslims
and the Rakhines are Buddhists. Its unofficial total population now is more
than 5 million, both inside and outside the country. At present, the Rohingyas
and the Rakhines stand almost in equal proportion inside Arakan. In addition
there are about 2 lakhs tribal people [Saks, Dinets (Chakmas) and Mros
(Kamais)] and 2 lakhs Burman people in Arakan.6 Polygamy and early marriage
enhance the population growth of Rohingyas. The growth rate is much lower among
the Buddhist population because of monogamy, late marriage and celibacy. The
Rohingyas are mostly concentrated in the riparian plains of Naf, Mayu and
Kaladan. Arakan is the only Muslim majority province among the 14 provinces of
Burma. Out of the 7 million Muslim population of Burma half of them are in
Arakan.7 THE EARLY HISTORY Possibly the history of Arakan can be classified in
the following manner into 10 periods: (1) 100-788 AD (Some Hindu dynasties),
(2) 788-957 AD (Chandra Hindu dynasty), (3) 957-1430 (A Chaotic period of
Mongolians, Buddhists and Muslims), (4) 1430-1784 AD (Mrauk-U dynasty of
Muslims & Buddhists), (5) 1784-1826 AD (Burman Buddhist Rule), (6)
1826-1948 AD (British Colonial Rule), (7) 1948-1962 (Parliamentary Democracy
Rule), (8) 1962-1974 AD (Revolutionary Military Government Rule), (9) 1975-1988
(One Party Socialist Programme Party Government Rule), (10) 1988-1999 AD
(SLORC/SPDC Military Government Rule). Under different periods of history,
Arakan had been an independent and sovereign monarchy ruled by Hindus,
Buddhists and Muslims. According to A. P Phayer and G.E. Harvey, the Arakanese
kings established alternately capitals in eight different towns, transferring
from one to another. They were successively at Dinnyawadi, 25 kings (146-746
AD); Vesali, 12 kings (788-994 AD); First Pyinsa (Sanbawut), 15 kings
(1018-1103 AD); Parin, 8 kings (1103-1167 AD); Krit, 4 kings (1167-1180 AD);
Second Pyinsa, 16 kings (1180-1237 AD); Launggyet, 17 kings (1237-1433 AD) and
Mrauk-U, 48 kings (1433-1785 AD). 8 Buddhism would seem to have reached Arakan
long before its arrival in the interior of Burma. The famous Mahamuni image of
Lord Buddha, usually placed in the Shrine at Shiri Gupta hill of Dinnyawadi, an
old capital and some 21 miles north of Mrauk-U may be dated from the early
centuries of the Christian era. Mahamuni image was built by the king
Sandathuriya (146-198 AD). There was Hindu god, which indicated that Arakan was
a Hindu land until 10th century AD. According to Morris Collis, the Hindu ruled
Arakan from 1st century to 10th century. At that time Arakan was the gate of
Hindu India to contact with the countries of the East. But the Arakanese
Rakhine chronicles claim that the kingdom of Dinnyawadi was founded in the year
2666 BC, and contain lists of kings beginning with that date.9 Inscriptions
mention a Chandra dynasty, which may have been founded as early as the end of
8th century. Its capital was called by the Indian name of Vaisali, and thirteen
kings of the dynasty are said to have reigned there for a total period of 230
years.10 The city of Vesali was founded in 788 AD by king Mahataing Sandya. The
ruins of the city are still to be seen on the bank of a tidal creek about 44
miles inland from the Bay of Bengal (from Akyab City). This city became a noted
trade port to which as many as a thousand ships came annually. The Chandara
kings extended their territory as far north as Chittagong; the dynasty came to
an end in 957 AD being overwhelmed by a Mongolian invasion. Vesali was an
easterly Hindu kingdom of Bengal. Both government and people is Indian similar to
that of Bengal.11 Before the arrival of Islam in Arakan, the people of Vesali
professed Hinduism and Buddhism. Later they abandoned Hinduism and professed
Buddhism and Islam. Inside the palace compound of Vesali there were many stone
plates inscribed in Nagri. The Vesali kings also melted good silver coins.
Stamped on them are the bull, Nandi, the avatar of Siva; Siva’s trident; and
shred of flowers melted with Bhraman civilization.12 THE ARRIVAL OF ARABS AND
ISLAM IN ARAKAN The Arab Muslims first came in contact with the Indian
Sub-continent and South East Asia through trade and commerce. From the time
long past, spices, cotton fabric, precious stones, minerals and other
commodities from South and South East Asia were of great demand in the oriental
and European countries. The Arabs as seafaring nation almost monopolised this
trade between the south and South East Asia on the one hand, the oriental North
Africa and European countries on the other. The Arab merchants carried goods to
the ports of Mascot and that of Serif on the two side of the Persian Gulf,
Basra, Yemen, Jeddah, Qulzum (Suez), for exchange with the goods of the
merchants of the Middle Eastern, Central Asian, North African and European
countries. For about eight centuries the Arabs monopolised the trade between
the East and the West. The Arabs were born traders, and after the introduction
of Islam they became a great maritime people. Their profound knowledge in
navigation, in the Science of Latitude and Longitude, in astronomical phenomena
and in the geography of the countries they visited made them unrivalled in
mercantile activities in the Indian Ocean for centuries together. The Arabs
used to write about the places that they had visited which indicate their
arrivals at East and the West of the world.13 There are frequent references to
the Arab Muslims settlers in the coastal regions of Arakan from the 8th century
onward. On the basis of the various Arab and Persian sources Mr. Siddiq Khan
states as follow: 14 “To the maritime Arabs and Persians the various ports of
the land of Burma, and more specially the coastal regions of Arakan… were well
known. Naturally, therefore, when from the 8th century onwards, Muslims traders
and navigators were spreading over the eastern seas from Egypt and Madagascar
to China, and forming commercial settlements at points of vantage, the coastal
regions of Burma were not overlooked. Originally, the intention of these
traders and sailors had not been to establish permanent colonies, but owing to
peculiar circumstances these acquired the nature of permanent settlements.”
MOHAMMED HANIFA AND QUEEN KAIYAPURI The Arab Muslim traders had good contacts
with Arakan (Rahambori Island), Burma, Indochina, Indonesia, Malay etc. with
their trade and they propagated the religion of Islam in those countries. The
arrival of Mohammed Hanif son of Hazarat Ali (R.A) to Arakan is also narrated
in a book written in 16th century by Shah Barid Khan named Hanifa O Kaiyapuri.
“In 680 AD after the war of ‘Karbala’ Mohammed Hanofiya with his army arrived
at Arab-Shah Para, near Maungdaw in the Northern Arakan, while Kaiyapuri, the
queen of Cannibals ruled this hilly deep forest attacking and looting the
people of Arakan. Mohammed Hanif attacked the Cannibals and captured the queen.
She was converted to Islam and married to him. Her followers embraced Islam en
masse. Mohammed Hanif and the queen Kaiyapuri lived in Mayu range. The peaks
where they lived were still known as Hanifa Tonki and Kaiyapui Tonki. The wild
cannibals were tamed and became civilised. Arakan was no more in danger of them
and peace and tranquillity prevailed. The followers of Mohammed Hanif and
Kaiyapuri were mixed up and lived peacefully.”15 The descendants of these mixed
people no doubt formed the original nucleus of the Rohingya Muslims in Arakan.
According to the British Burma Gazetteers, “About 788 AD Mahataing Sandya
ascended the throne of Vesali, founded a new city (Vesali) on the site of old
Ramawadi and died after a reign of twenty two years. In his reign several ships
were wrecked on Rambree Island and the crews, said to have been Mohamedans,
were sent to Arakan Proper and settled in villages. They were Moor Arab
Muslims.”16 The Shrines of “Babazi Sha Monayem of Ambari”, “Pir Badar Sha”
(Badar-Al-din Allamah), both situated on the coast of the Bay of Bengal at
Akyab, all bear evidence of the arrival of Muslim saints in Arakan in the early
period of history. In course of their trading activities in this part of the
world, the Arabs colonised in and around Arakan first and afterward began to
penetrate into interior part of Burma. They paved the way for the influx of
Muslim saints, Sufis, Fakirs and sages in Arakan and East Bengal. Those sages
used to visit the remote corners of the provinces only to preach their true
religion Islam among the infidels and to dedicate their lives to the service of
humanity and the oppressed and suppressed people of the land. The superior
moral character and high missionary zeal of those followers attracted large
number of people towards Islam who embraced it en masse. So, they have played a
very important role in the growth of Muslim population and development of a
Muslim Society in Arakan. Moreover, Islam as a resurgent force vastly
influenced the warring and Caste-ridden Society of Arakan with its spirit of
equality, fraternity and oneness of all human beings. This concepts inspired
the down trodden masses to accept the new religion Islam.17 THE ORIGIN OF
ROHINGYA Rohang, the old name of Arakan, was very familiar region for the Arab
seafarers even during the pre-Islamic days. Tides of people like the Arabs,
Moors, Turks, Pathans, Moghuls, Central Asians, Bengalees came mostly as
traders, warriors, preachers and captives overland or through the sea route.
Many settled in Arakan, and mixing with the local people, developed the present
stock of people known as ethnic Rohingya. Hence, the Rohingya Muslims, whose
settlements in Arakan date back to 7th century AD are not an ethnic group which
developed from one tribal group affiliation or single racial stock. They are an
ethnic group developed from different stocks of people. The ethnic Rohingya is
Muslim by religion with distinct culture and civilisation of their own. They
trace their ancestry to Arabs, Moors, Pathans, Moghuls, Central Asians, Bengalis
and some Indo-Mongoloid people. Since Rohingyas are mixture of many kinds of
people, their cheekbone is not so prominent and eyes are not so narrow like
Rakhine Maghs and Burmans. Their noses are not flat and they are a bit taller
in stature than the Rakhine Maghs but darker in complexion. They are some
bronzing coloured and not yellowish. The Rohingyas of Arakan still carried the
Arab names, faith, dress, music and customs. So, the Rohingyas are nationals as
well as an indigenous ethnic group of Burma. They are not new born racial group
of Arakan rather they are as old an indigenous race of the country as any
others.18 THE ORIGIN OF RAKHINE In the year 957 AD, a Mongolian invasion swept
over Vesali, and killed Sula Chandra, the last king of Chandra dynasty. They
destroyed Vesali and placed on their throne Mongolian kings. Within a few years
the Hindus of Bengal were able to establish their Pala Dynasty. But the Hindus
of Vesali were unable to restore their dynasty because of the invasion and
migrations of Tibeto-Burman who were so great that their population over
shadowed the Vesali Hindus. They cut Arakan away from Indians and mixing in
sufficient number with the inhabitants of the eastern-side of the present
Indo-Burma divide, created that Indo-Mongoloid stock now known as the Rakhine
Arakanese. This emergence of a new race was not the work of a single invasion.
But the date 957 AD may be said to mark the appearance of the Rakhine in
Arakan, and the beginning of fresh period.19 The new English Dictionary states
that the word Mog, Mogen, Mogue appear as names of Arakan and the people in
15-16th centuries. 20 Today the Maghs of Arakan and Bangladesh disown this name
because the word Magh became synonymous with sea pirates. For more than two
centuries the Maghs of Arakan were known as sea pirates in Bengal. The Maghs
earned such a bad name during the last many centuries that it has become a
great shame for their descendants of today to own the name Magh. Thus they
started calling themselves Rakhines. But according to Phayre, the name Magh
originated from the ruling race of Magadha and also a well-known poet of
Rosanga (Arakan), Dault Kazi (1622-38) mentioned in his Sati Mayna that the
kings of Arakan belonged to Magadha dynasty and was Buddhists by faith.21 According
to the Maghs of Arakan, they are descendants of Rakkhasa (bilu); the aborigine
of the land and the name of their country is Rakkahpura. Ethnically most of the
Arakanese Magh belongs to the Mongoloid race. Ethnologists point out that
north-western China, the cradle land of mankind between the upper courses of
the Yang-Tse-Kiang and of the Hoang-Ho rivers was their earliest home. They
entered the area, now known as Burma, through the upper courses of the Irrawadi
and Chindwin in three successive waves. In making this entry they encountered
the local Mon-Khmer and by defeating them they settled in Burma. However,
Arakan Yoma Mountain separates the Arakanese Maghs from the parent stock.
Though descended from the same stock, worshipping the same faith and speaking
the same language as the Burmese, the Arakanese Maghs have a distinct culture
and have preserved a distinct dialect. Hence the Arakanese Maghs of the
northern section, close to Bangladesh, exhibit the original Mongoloid features
in lesser and subdued degree than their southern brethren. Whether these ethnic
differences are due to the intermixture of race or ecological and other factors
it is not known. The Arakanese Maghs are short in stature, whose height rarely
exceeds five feet six inches. The body seems to be stocky with relatively short
legs and body; cheekbone is high and broad. Females are flat chested with thin
lips. Black straight hairs, brown small eyes and flat nose are common features
of the present-day Rakhine Magh population. 22 The spoken language of Rakhine
Magh is not a separate language but pure Burmese with phonetic variation.
Historians commented on the Rakhine language as follows: 23 “The question of
the emergence of the Arakanese Rakhine language is more difficult. No
inscriptions in the Burmese script are found in Arakan before 11th and 12th
centuries. Whether it was the language of the Mongolian invaders of 10th
century or whether it filtered across the mountains after contact with Burma in
the 11th and 12th centuries is undecided. As Rakhine language is the same
language as Burmese, being merely a dialect, to suppose that it was the
language of the invaders is to contend that the Mongolians who extinguished
Chandras spoke afterwards became predominant in the Irrawady plain. If the
country is postulated, and it is argued that the Burmese language, coming over
the mountain road, impinged upon the Mongolian speech of the then Arakanese and
created modern Arakanese, linguistic difficulties are raised which are
difficult to solve. This question awaits judgement.” King Anawratta of Pagan
(1044-77 AD) conquered North Arakan, but it was not incorporated in his
kingdom. It remained a semi-independent feudatory state under its hereditary
kings. When Pagan fell in 1287 AD Arakan asserted its independence under the
famous Minhti, whose regime, according to the chronicles, lasted for the
fabulously long period of ninety-five years (1279-1374 AD). His reign is also
notable for the defeat of a Bengali raid. After his death Arakan was for a
considerable time one of the theatres of war in the great struggle between Ava
and the Mon kingdom of Pegu. Both sides sought to gain control over it. First
the Burmese, then the Mons, placed their nominees on its throne.24 THE
DEVELOPMENT OF MUSLIM SETTLEMENTS IN ARAKAN The infiltration of Arabs to Arakan
has started before Muslims conquest of India. The oft-quoted statements and
records of Arab geographers and traders are important source to reconstruct the
history of the coming of the Muslims to Arakan. The Arabs used to write about
the places that they had visited which indicate their arrivals at east and west
of the world. Referring to the early geographers, G.E. Hervay writes, “ To the
Arabs, whose shipping predominated in the eastern seas from 8th to 16th century,
Burma was Arakan and Lower Burma.” In addition, from the very beginning of
Muslim commercial shipping activity in the Bay of Bengal, the Muslim trading
ships reach the ports of Arakan just as they did the ports of Burma proper. And
as in Burma so, too, in Arakan is there a long tradition of old Indian
settlement.25 Bengal became Muslim in 1203 AD, but this was the extreme eastern
limit of Islamic overland expansion (although the Malay Peninsula and the
Indonesian archipelago were Islamized much later by missionaries and merchants
who came by sea). In northern Arakan close overland ties were formed with East
Bengal. The resulting cultural and political Muslim influence was of great
significance in the history of Arakan. Actually, Arakan served to a large
extent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration to other parts of Burma, and also
Muslims attained some degrees of importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan.
The Islamic influence grew in Arakan to the extent of establishing Muslim
vassal state beginning in 1430 AD. Muslim’s rule and influence in Arakan lasted
for more than 350 years until it was invaded and occupied by Burman in 1784
AD.26 THE EMERGENCE OF MRAUK-U EMPIRE This independent kingdom turned westward,
toward Bengal, as a result of the growing power of the Burmese court of Ava. In
1404 AD, the king of Arakan, Narameikhla (1404-1434 AD), was forced to flee to
Gaur, capital of Bengal Sultanate, which 86 years earlier had already become
independent of the Mogul Emperor in Delhi. Ahmed Shah, Sultan of Gaur, welcomed
the refugee king. Narameikhla remained at the court of Gaur, where he served as
an officer in Ahmad Shah’s army and fought in his wars. After the victory of
the war, king Ahmed Shah handed over the throne of Gaur to his son Nazir Shah (according
to Bengal History it was not Nazir Shah but Sultan Jalaluddin Mohammed Shah) in
the year 1426 AD.27 Then Naramaikhla pleaded help from the king to regain his
lost throne at Launggyet in Arakan. According to Rakhine Razawin (Rakhine
History), the Sultan of Bengal agreed to do so when Naramaikhla agreed to abide
the following 6-point conditions. They are: – 28 To return the twelve towns of
Bengal.29 To receive Muslim title for the kings of Arakan from Bengal. The
court emblem must be inscribed with Kalima Tayuba in Persian. The coins,
medallions must be inscribed with Kalima Tayuba in Persian and to mint them in
Bengal. To use the Persian as court language of Arakan. To pay taxes and
presents annually. THE ARRIVAL PATHAN ARMY IN ARAKAN As Naramaikhla agreed to
six point conditions (Arakanese kings also followed and practised them while
they were independent and under no obligation), in 1429 AD, Sultan Nadir Shah
sent Gen. Wali Khan as the head of 20,000 Pathan army with Naramaikhla to
restore the throne of Arakan to Naramaikhla. The Pathan army conquered Arakan
from the control of Mon and Naramaikhla ascended the throne. Soon Wali Khan and
Naramaikhla had a dispute over the No. 5 condition of introduction of Persian
language as court language of Arakan. Gen. Wali Khan arrested king Naramaikhla
and locked up at Balutaung fettering him. Gen. Wali Khan ruled Arakan for one
year and introduced Persian in his court which continued as state language up
to 1845 AD and appointed Qazis. But some time after that Narameikhla succeeded
in re-conquering Arakan with the help of a second army supplied by Nadir Shah
headed by Gen. Sandi Khan. The accession of Min Sawmon to the throne ushered a
new era in the history of Arakan. Upon his return, Narameikhla founded a new city,
Mrauk-U on the bank of the Lembro River, now known as Mrohaung, which remain
the capital until 1785 when Arakan was conquered by Burma. Narameikhla’s Muslim
soldiers, who came with him from Bengal, settled in villages near Mrohaung and
built the Sandi Khan Mosque, which still exists today. Muslim influence in
Arakan, they may be said to date from 1430, the year of Narameikhla’s return.
As a result of the close land and sea ties between the two countries, which
continued to exist for a long time thereafter, the Muslims played a decisive
role in the history of Arakan Kingdom.30 MRAUK-U A SULTANATE Narameikhla ceded
certain territory to the Sultan of Bengal and recognised his sovereignty. He
introduced Nadir Shah’s system of coins bearing the Kalima as used in Bengal
since Muslim conquest of 1203 and its fellows that the coinage of Mrauk-U was
subsequently modelled. Later on he struck his own coins which had the name of
the king in Arakanese letters on one side and his Muslim title in Persian on
the other. According to historian M.S Collis, it took the Arakanese a hundred
years to learn that doctrine (Islam) from the Moslem-Mongolians. When it was
well understood, they founded what was known as the Arakanese Empire. For
hundred years 1430 to 1530 AD, Arakan remained feudatory to Bengal, paid
tribute and learnt history and polities. Twelve kings followed one after
another at Mrauk-U in undistinguished succession. They struck coins and some
have been found. In this way Arakan become definitely oriented towards the
Moslem State. Contact with a modern civilization resulted in a renaissance. The
country’s great age began. In 1531 AD Min Bin as Zabuk Shah ascended the
throne. With him the Arakanese graduated in their Moslem studies and the great
Arakanese Empire was founded.31 But according to Arakanese historian U Aung Tha
Oo, all 13 kings including Min Bin received Muslim titles and state Emblem from
the Bengal Sultans.32 In 1434 AD, at the age of 53, Min Sawmon died leaving his
kingdom at the hand of his brother Min Khari as Ali Khan (1434-1459 AD) as his
successor. Min Khari was succeeded by his son Basawpru as Kalima Shah
(1459-1482 AD). Taking advantage of weakness of Sultan Barbak Shah of Bengal
Kalima Shah occupied Chittagong in 1459 AD. Kalima Shah was murdered in 1482 AD
and his kingdom plunged into chaos and disaster. Eight kings came to the throne
in succession but most of them were assassinated. At last in 1531 AD a capable
young king name Min Bin as Zabuk Shah (1531-1553 AD) ascended the throne of
Arakan and declared himself as a full independent monarch. During his rule
stability came back in Arakan.33 Even after becoming independent of the Bengal
Sultans, the Arakan kings continued the custom of using the Muslim titles in
addition to the Arakanese or Pali title. The fact that this practice continued
even after they had shaken off the yoke of Bengal Sultan, goes to prove that
there were some cogent reasons for this other than merely compulsion or force.
The king had already a large number of Muslim subjects holding important posts
in the court as well as in the field of trade and commerce possessing a far
superior culture and civilization compared to those of his own people. Court
ceremonies and administrative methods followed the customs of the Gaur and Delhi
sultanates. There were eunuchs, harems, salves and hangmen; and many
expressions in use at court were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent posts in the
court of Arakan. With the ever increasing Muslim influence in the court of
Arakan and the subsequent subservience of the administration Sonargaon, Muslims
of Gaur and particularly those from Chittagong infiltrated into Arakan in large
numbers in search of fresh lands and new pasture. Henceforth Arakanese
administration continued to bear definite Islamic stamp.34 Dr. Muhammad Enanmul
Haq and Abdul Karim (1869-1953) in their work Bengali Literature in the Court
of Arakan 1600-1700 state that “ the Arakanese kings issued coins bearing the
inscription of Muslim Kalema (the profession of faith in Islam) in Arabic script.
The State emblem was also inscribed Arabic word Aqimuddin (establishment of
God’s rule over the earth).” The Arakanese court also adoption of many Muslim
customs and terms were other significant tribute to the influence of Islam.
Mosques including the famous Sandi Khan Mosque began to dot the countryside and
Islamic customs, manners and practices came to be established since this time.
For about two hundred years Muslim domination seemed to have been completed. 35
The kingdom of Arakan had come in close cultural contact with the Muslim
Sultanate of Bengal since fifteen century so much so that many of the Buddhist
rulers of that country adopted Muslim names for themselves. They appointed
Muslim officials in their courts and, apparently under the latter’s influence,
even inscribed the Kalima on their coins. Contact with a modern civilization
resulted in a renaissance. The country’s great age began. From this time
onwards the relation of Muslims with the Arakanese became more intimate and for
about two centuries Arakan was united in a bond of friendship with Islamic
lands. As a result of the impact of the civilization of the Muslims, Arakanese
culture also progressed and thus the ‘ Golden Age’ in the history of Arakan.
The end of the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth century were a
period of political instability and transition caused by the break-up of the
Afghan state in Bengal and gradual advance of the Mughals. One of the social
and demographic effects of this political change was the flight of a large
number of Afghan nobles and other Muslims rank and position towards the
easternmost districts of Bengal. Quite a few of these people found shelter at
the Arakan court where they filled up important positions in the government. In
this way Arakan became definitely oriented towards the Muslim State. By the end
of 1500 AD Arakan region was Islamized and stood as an independent Muslim
kingdom. 36 It was later absorbed by the Burmese king in 1784 AD. THE CONQUEST
OF CHITTAGONG AND THE INFULENCE BENGALI MUSLIM CULTURES AND LITERATURES IN
ARAKAN Arakan, in fact, a continuation of the Chittagong plain was neither a
Burmese nor an Indian Territory till 18th century of the Christian Era. Shut
off from Burma by a hill range, it is located far away from the Indian
capitals. Chiefly for its location, it had not only remained independent for
the most part of its history, but also endeavoured to expand its territory in
the surrounding tracts whenever opportunity came and Chittagong was the first
country to be the victim of the territorial ambition of Arakanese monarchs. 37
The relation between Chittagong and Arakan is influenced by geographical,
ethnological, cultural, and historical considerations. From 1575 till 1666 AD,
nearly a century, Chittagong was under almost uninterrupted Arakanese rule
which is undoubtedly an important period marked; a company of eight sovereigns
successively ruled Arakan only with Chittagong and Chittagong Hill Tracts with
full despotic power.38 After Min Sawmon, the successive kings of Arakan took
initiative to evolve administration on the model of Gaur and the Muslims were
given high posts in the government offices. It is also true that a large number
of Muslim officials were employed in the civil as well as military
establishments, who were mostly from Chittagong. As a result of the royal
patronage, settlements of the Muslim community also grew upon the south-eastern
neighbourhood of Mrauk-U; all these settlements are popularly known as
Kalapanzan. Close to the Mrauk-U City, in course of time, a trading port named
Bandar was developed. In Bandar there lived qadis, muftis, ulama, religious
fakirs and darvishes. Those high ranking Muslims living there used to converse
with the king on equal and friendly terms. At that place the Muslims crowded
for business. The ruins of seven mosques and towers (some still standing)
eloquently testify to the heydays of the Muslims in Arakan. Most of the Muslim
settlements are found on the both sides of the major rivers namely Naf, Mayu
(Kalapanzi), Kaladan and Lembro (Lemro). The impact of Muslim culture on the
life of the people of Arakan had profound effect on the subsequent course of
the history of Arakan. Like the Pathan Sultans of Bengal, the kings of Arakan
patronised the cultivation of Bengali literature and many talented poets and
writers from different regions thronged the court. With the royal support
Bengali literature developed; learned men and men of high calibre received
patronage from the kings due to the liberal policy. Many Muslim Bengalee poets
dominated the court life.39 Bengali became a favourite language and the Arakan
kings encouraged the writing of a number of Puttis, which was then the only
form of literature. Some Putti literatures to be mentioned of Arakan are: Shuja
Qazi’s Roshanger Panchali (History of Roshang), Kazi Daulat’s Sati Mayna-O-Lora
Candrani, Shamer Ali’s Razawan Shah, Mardan’s Nasir Nama or Nasir Maloum, Shah
Alaol’s Padmabati, Tufa, Sati Mayna Lor Chandrani, Saiful Mulk Badiujjamal,
Sikander Nama, Hatf-Paikar, Abdul Karim’s Dulla Mailis, Hajar Masil, Tamam
Anjari, Qazi Abdul Karim’s Rahatul Qulub, Abdullar Hazar Sawal, Nurnama,
Madhumalati, Darige Majlis, Abul Hussain’s Adamer Larai, Ismail Saquib’s
Bilqisnama, Qazi Muhammad Hussain’s Amir Hamza, Dewalmati, Haidar Jung, and
etc. Thus Arakan opened up a new field for expansion and exploitation for the
Muslims of Chittagong. Except for the political barriers Chittagong and Arakan
became one in all other respects and this continued for well over a century and
to some extent lingered even up to the first half of the last century.40
ARAKANESE KINGS WITH MUSLIM NAMES AND TITLES According to former Chairman of
Historical Commission, Burma, Lt. Col. Ba Shin’s “Coming of Islam to Burma 1700
AD”, Min Sawmon as Solaiman Shah, the founder of Mrauk-U dynasty and his
successor were greatly influenced by Islamic culture. The practice of adopting
a Muslim name or title by the Arakanese kings continued for more than two
hundred years (1430 – 1638). This titles which appeared in Arabic script /
Persian Kufic on their coins is given below: 41 SL. No. Names of the kings
Muslim Names Reigning period 1. Narameikhla (a) Sawmon Solaiman Shah 1430-1434
AD. 2. Meng Khari (a) Naranu Ali Khan 1434-1459 3. Ba Saw Pru Kalima Shah
1459-1482 4. Dawlya Mathu Shah 1482-1492 5. Ba Saw Nyo Mohammed Shah 1492-1493
6. Ran Aung Noori Shah 1493-1494 7. Salimgathu Sheik Abdullh Shah 1494-1501 8.
Meng Raza Ilias Shah – I 1501-1513 9. Kasabadi Ilias Shah – II 1513-1515 10.
Meng Saw Oo Jalal Shah 1515 11. Thatasa Ali Shah 1515-1521 12. Min Khaung Raza
El-Shah Azad 1521-1531 13. Min Bin (a) Min Pa Gri Zabuk Shah 1531-1553 14. Min
Dikha Daud Khan 1553-1555 15. Min Phalaung Sikender Shah 1571-1591 16. Min
Razagri Salim Shah – I 1593-1612 17. Min Khamaung Hussain Shah 1612-1622 18.
Thiri Thudama Salim Shah – II 1622-1637 THE ARRIVAL OF PORTUGUES IN ARAKAN The
Portuguese arrived in the Eastern waters about the year 1500 AD in search of
trade. They were mariners and seamen of unique characters. An agreement with
Portuguese was reached. When Min Bin as Zabuk Shah came to the throne he turned
Mrauk-U into the strongest fortified city of the Bay, employing the Portuguese
to lay out his walls and moats and to forge mount his cannon. He appointed them
as military officers to train and equip a mercenary army of heterogeneous
races, foreign and domestic; and he built with their aid, a large fleet manned
with his own men, who were hardy boatmen, but guided and stiffened by
Portuguese. King Min Bin in this way became master of a powerful modern
weapon.42 In July 1538 AD, the Mogul king Humayon entered Gaur and displaced
the Independent dynasty of Arab Hussein Shahi dynasty.43 The pretender was Sher
Shah. During the whole of Min Bin’s reign the administration of Bengal was
interrupted by that struggle and Eastern Bengal lay defenceless. For Min Bin,
armed as the non-was, this was opportunity. With a combined fleet and army
movement he occupied Eastern Bengal. That province remained to Arakan for the
next hundred and twenty years, till 1666 AD. Its administration was left in the
hands of twelve local rajahs, who paid an annual tribute to the Arakanese
king’s viceroy at Chittagong. 44 After conquest of Chittagong Min Bin struck
coins on which Chittagong King and his Muslim name Zabauk Shah were inscribed.
If King Min Bin founded the prosperity of Mrauk-U dynasty, Min Rajagri as Salim
Shah, his successor of forty years later, may be said consolidated it. 45 THE
ACTIVITIES OF MAGH AND PORTUGUESE PIRATES The capture and enslavement of
prisoners was one of the most lucrative types of plunder. Half the prisoners
taken by the Portuguese and all the artisans among them were given to the king.
The rest were sold on the market or forced to settle in the villages near
Mrohaung. A considerable number of these captives were Muslim. In addition to
the Muslim prisoners and slaves brought to Arakan from Bengal and even from
north India, many more came to serve as mercenaries in the Arakanese army,
usually as the king’s bodyguard. 46 Early in the 17th century the Portuguese
reached the shores of Bengal and Arakan. At that time too, the raiding
Arakanese ships reached the source of Ganges. They came into contact with the
Portuguese and permitted them to establish bases for their operations and also
granted them commercial concession. In return, the Portuguese helped to defend
the Arakan boundaries. In 1576 AD. Akbar the Great, Emperor of Delhi, was
efficiently ruling Bengal so that Arakan was now facing the Mogul Empire itself
and not only Bengal. The Portuguese knowledge of firearms and artillery was
more advanced than that of the Moguls, and Arakan profited much there by. Joint
Arakanese-Portuguese raids on Bengal continued until the end of the 18th
century and ceased entirely with the strengthening of the British naval force
in the Bay of Bengal. 47 King Mingphalaung as Sikander Shah (1571-93), worthy
son of conqueror Min Bin as Sultan Zabuk Shah ascended the throne of Arakan in
1571 AD. He went up to Dacca and held all parts of Chittagong and ports of
Noakhali and Tippera. 48 King Minphalung was succeeded by his son Meng Razagryi
as Salim Shah I (1593-1612). In 1599 AD. Meng Razagyi attacked Pegu. In this
expedition he employed a flotilla from Chittagong and the Ganges delta. The
expedition was crowned with success. On the return journeys the wise minister
Mahapinyakyaw, lord of Chittagong, died. 49 King Salim Shah I, called himself
king of Bengal and Tippura, issued trilingual coins from Chittagong in Arabic,
Nagari and Devanagri with his Pali and Muslim titles in 1601 AD. For a short
period during the reign of Salim Shah I Arakan extended from Dacca and the
Sundarbans to Moulmein, a Coastal Strip of a thousand miles in length and
varying from 150 to 20 miles in depth. This considerable dominion was built up
by means of the strong cosmopolitan army and navy organised by king Minbin as
Zabuk Shah. King Salim Shah I was succeeded by his eldest son Meng Khamaung as
Hussain Shah (1612-1622 AD). In 1609 AD the Portuguese occupied Sandip and
established their independent base. From this base they conducted several
hostile incursions in different parts of the Arakanese kingdom. So the
Arakanese king decided to destroy the Portuguese bases. In early 1615 AD the
Arakanese laid siege to the island of Sandip and later they occupied the island
with the help of Dutch. The Arakanese capture of Sandip in 1615 AD shattered
the Portuguese dream of establishing a maritime and religions empire in the
region. King Hussein Shah proved to be a great and most successful king of
Arakan. 50 The main source of information on that period is the Portuguese
traveller, the Augustan monk Sebastian Manrique, who was in Arakan from 1629 to
1637 AD. Using not only his own memoirs but also ancient Arakanese sources
placed at his disposal, Manrique in his book described the arrival of Muslim
prisoners, and Muslim army units at the Arakan king’s court. He also mentioned
important Muslims who were holding key positions in the kingdom and comments on
the foreign trade colonies mostly Muslims, which existed in Arakan. The
prisoners were brought from Bengal in Portuguese and Arakanese ships, some of
whose sailors were themselves Muslims – a fact that did not trouble them in
their profession, not even the fact that enslaving a Muslim stands in contrast
with the Muslim Law, the Shari’a. Manrique gives a detailed description of such
Muslim prisoners, which he accompanied. He even tried -without success to
convert the Muslims to Christianity. Some of these captive salves were settled
in special areas guarded by Muslim soldiers. 51 For nearly half a century,
Chittagong was a breeding ground of the pirates who ravaged the whole of lower
Bengal, depopulated it and turned it to wilderness. During the four years from
1621 AD to 1624 AD the Arakanese Maghs in alliance with the Portuguese pirates
brought to Chittagong then in possession of the king of Arakan, 42,000 slaves
captured in the various districts of Bengal. Only Portuguese sold their
captives but the Maghs employed all of them they had carried off in agriculture
and other services.52 In 17th century the Maghs and Portuguese pirates brought
Bengalee captives, both Muslims and Hindus, and sold at the ports of Arakan and
India. Referring to 17th century historians G.E. Harvey writes as follows:- 53
“… With the Arakanese they (Portuguese pirates) made a dire combination,
holding Sandwip island, Noahkali and Backergunge districts, and the Sunderbands
delta south of Calcutta, and raiding up to Dacca and even Murshidabad, while
Tippura sent them propitiatory tribute. After they had sacked Dacca, his
capital, in 1625 AD the Moghul governor felt so unsafe that for a time he lived
further inland. For generations an iron chain was stretched across the Hoogly
River between Calcutta and Sibpur to prevent their entrance. In a single month,
February 1727 AD, they carried off 1,800 captives from the southern parts of
Bengal; the king chose the artisans, about one-fourth, to be his slaves, and
the rest were sold at prices varying from Rs. 20 to Rs. 70 a head and set to
work on the land as slaves. This continued throughout the eighteenth century,
decreasing when the English began to police the coast. But even in 1795 AD they
were plundering the king of Burma’s boats off Arakan, laden with his customs
dues of 10 per cent in kind. Rennell’s map of Bengal, published in 1794 AD
marks the area south of Backergunge ‘deserted on account of the ravages of the
Muggs (Arakanese)’. They had forts at Jagdia and Alamgirnagar in the mouth of
the Meghna River, and here and there a few of them settled in the delta. They
had also a little colony of 1,500, speaking Burmese and wearing Burmese dress,
still survive on four or five islands in the extreme southeast of Backergunge
district. They did not occupy the country administratively, they held it to blackmail.”
“ The Arakan pirates, both Magh and feringhi, used constantly to come by the
water-route and plunder Bengal. They carried off the Hindus and Mahomedans that
they could seize, pierced the palms of their hands, passed thin strips of cane
through the holes and threw them huddled together under the decks of their
ships. Every morning they flung down some uncooked rice to the captives from
above, as we fling grain to fowl. On reaching home the pirates employed some of
the hardy men that survived such treatment in tillage and other degrading
pursuits. The others were sold to the Dutch, English, and French merchants at
the ports of the Deccan. Sometimes they brought their captives to ….. Orissa;
anchoring a short distance from the coast they sent a man ashore with the news.
The local officers, in fear of the pirates committing any depredation or
kidnapping there, stood on the shore with a number of followers, and sent a man
with money on board. If the terms were satisfactory, the pirates took the
ransom and set the captives free with the man. Only the feringhis sold their
prisoners. But the Maghs employed all whom they had carried off in agriculture
and other services. Many highborn persons and Saiyads, many Saiyad – born pure
women, were compelled to undergo the disgrace of slavery or concubinage to
these wicked men. Mahomedans underwent such oppression as they had not to
suffer in Europe. As they continually practised raids for a long time, Bengal
daily became more and more desolate and less and less able to resist them. Not
a house was left inhabited on their side of the rivers lying on their track
from Chittagong to Dacca. The district of Bakla [Backergunge and part of
Dacca], which formerly abounded in houses and cultivated fields and yield a
large revenue as duty on betel-nuts, was swept so clean with their broom of
plunder and abduction that none was left to tenant any house or kindle a light
in that region. …… The governor of Dacca had to confine his energies to the
defence of that city only and to the prevention of the coming of the pirate
fleet to Dacca; he stretched iron chains across the stream …… The sailors of
the Bengal flotilla were inspired with such fear of the pirates that whenever a
hundred war-boats of the former sighted only four of the latter, the Bengal
crew thought themselves lucky if they could save their lives by flights; and
when the distance was too short to permit escape, they – rowers, sepoys, and
gunners alike – threw themselves overboard, preferring drowning to captivity.
Many feringhis living at Chittagong used to visit the imperial dominions for
plunder and abduction. Half their booty they gave to the raja of Arakan and
other half they kept. They were known as the Hermad [Armada] and owned a
hundred swift jalia boats full of war material … Latterly the raja of Arakan
did not send his own fleet to plunder the Moghul territory, as he considered
the feringhi pirates in the light of his servants and shared their booty. When
Shayista Khan asked the feringhi deserters, what salary the Magh king had
assigned to them, they replied “Our salary was the Moghul Empire. We considered
the whole of Bengal as our fief. We had not to bother revenue surveyors and
ourselves about court clerks but levied our rent all the year round without
difficulty. We have kept the papers of the division of the booty for the last
forty years.” (Year 1670 circ., Shihabuddin Talish, soldier and historian, see
Jadunath Sarkar “History of Aurangzib” III. 224 and JAS Bengal 1907 his “The
Feringi Pirates of Chatgaon” 422) SOME MUSLIM PRIME MINISTERS, DEFENCE
MINISTERS AND MINISTERS IN THE ROYAL COURT OF ARAKAN King Meng Khamaung was
succeeded by his son Thiri Thudama as King Salim Shah II (1622-1638 AD) in 1622
AD. According to the history, the coronation of Thiri Thudama was deferred for
twelve years, in pursuance of an astrological prediction that the king would
die within a year of his coronation. The great king knowing that his life would
come to an end transferred the rule of the kingdom to the hand of his Chief and
Defence Minister Sri Ashraf Khan. According to the Muslim Poet Daulat Kazi’s
book known as Sati Mayna-O-Lora Candrani, the king made Ashraf Khan his Chief
Minister and the Commander of his army. He sat in court, and look after the day
to day affairs of the kingdom. When the king felt that his end was drawing
near, he celebrated the coronation ceremony and entrusted Ashraf Khan with the
responsibility of governing the country. 54 Portuguese traveller Sebastien
Manrique also refers to Lashkar Wazir when he says that the Lashker Wazir led
the Muslim contingent of army in the coronation procession of the king Thiri
Thudama in 1635 AD. 55 His son Min Sani in 1638 AD succeeded King Thiri
Thudama, the unfortunate prince ruled for a brief period of 28-days. Narapadigyi,
the dowager queen’s lover, who occupied the throne of Arakan, murdered Min
Sani. 56 According to Muslim Poet Shah Alawal of Arakan court, Narapdigyi
(1638-1645 AD.) was king of Arakan after the death of King Thiri Thudama’s son
Min Sani. He was a paramour of Natshinme, the chief queen of Thiri Thudama and
was great grand son of king Thatasa who ruled Arakan 1525-31 AD.57 King
Narapadigyi’s War Minister or Lashkar Wazir was Siri Bara Thakur. After the
death of Bara Thakur his illustrious son Magen Thakur became the Lashkar Wazir
or War Minister of king Narapadigyi. According to Poet Shah Alawal, Magen
Thakur was born of Siddique family or descendants of the Muslim first Caliph
Hazarat Abu Bakar (RA). He was not only a high born but also a learned man and
he respected the learned people. He gathered the learned people of the country
by his side and showed them much respect. King Narapdigyi had no son, but only
a daughter. When the king became old, he appointed Magen Thakur, who was a
minister, guardian of his daughter. After the king’s death she was married to
Thado Mintar, nephew of the king. Thado Mintar (1645-1652 AD) became king in
1645 AD and the king’s daughter became chief queen of the kingdom. During the
reign of Thado Mintar and his queen, Magen Thakur was promoted to the Chief or
Prime Minister of Arakan.58 Poet Shah Alawal composed his famous poetical works
Padmavati under the order of Prime Minister Magen Thakur and completed in 1651
AD during the reign of Thado Mintar. The king died in 1652 AD and was succeeded
by his minor son Sanda Thudhamma (1652-1684 AD). As the king was minor, the
dowager queen (Thado’s queen and Narapadigyi’s daughter) ruled the country as
regent. She gave her guardian Magen Thakur the authority to rule the country on
her and her son’s behalf. Magen Thakur’s power and influence was further
enhanced. Prime Minister Magen Thakur later ordered Shah Alawal to compose
Saiful Mulk Badiujjamal. Before the completing the book Magen Thakur died. Shah
Alawal completed the book in 1658 or 1659 AD under the patronage of another
Arakanese Prime Minister Sayeed Musa. It is thought that Magen Thakur died
before 1660 AD.59 After the death of Prime Minister Magen Thakur, Sayeed Musa
was appointed the Prime Minister of Arakanese king Sanda Thudamma. Prime
Minister Sayeed Musa was a great man and he used to patronise learned man and
seeker of knowledge. He was a friend of Prime Minister Magen Thakur and was a
minister under him. 60 Poet Shah Alawal composed Satimaing-Lor Chandrani in
1658 AD under the patronage of Minister Sulaiman of King Sanda Thudamma of
Arakan. In 1660 AD under the order of minister Sayyid Mohammed Khan of king
Sanda Thudamma Poet Shah Alawal composed the book Half-Paikar. 61 SHAH SHUJA IN
ARAKAN Prince Shah Shuja, brother of the Moghul Emperor Aurangzib of India,
being defeated in his struggle for the throne was forced to seek shelter with
the king of Arakan. The Arakan King Sandathudamma (1652-84) consented, and Shah
Shuja with his family and followers were brought to Mrauk-U, the capital city
of Arakan, in Portuguese gallases from Teknaf. He arrived in Mrauk-U, the
capital of Arakan on 26th August 1660 AD and was favourably received by the
king who assigned him a residence near the city. 62 According to G.E. Harvey’s
Outline of Burmese History, “Shah Shuja came to Arakan as the king promised to
provide him with some of his famous ships to take him on the way to Macca; he
wished to die in retirement at that holy spot. But when he arrived in Arakan
with beautiful daughters and half a dozen camel loads of gold and jewels, the
temptation was too great for King Sanda Thudamma. Such wealth had never seen in
Arakan before. The king in order to seize all Shah Shuja’s treasure had to find
out a lame excuse. So, king Sanda Thudamma asked the hand of Shah Shuja’s
daughter Ameena, though he knew very well that Sultan Shah Shuja would never
consent. As Shah Shuja refused the suit, the king ordered him to leave his
country within three days. So, on 7th February 1661 AD, Shah Shuja fled to forest
with some of his followers. The Maghs chased them like famishing wild wolves.
Ultimately the Maghs caught Sultan Shah Shuja and chopped him into pieces. The
king seized all his treasure, took his daughters into the harem, and imprisoned
the rest of the family. Everyday the gold and silver, which the Arakanese have
taken, are brought into the King’s treasury to be melted down. A year later he
executed them all for so called plotting, including the unhappy princess.” 63
Sirimanta Sulaiman was Finance Minister of King Sanda Thudamma. At his request
Shah Alawal composed Tufa (1662-64 AD) and completed the unfinished Satimaina
Lor Chandrani. The first book was a book on Fiqh, while Qazi Daulat wrote the
second at the request of Lashker Wazir Ashraf Khan. Before completing the book
the poet died and the book remain incomplete. Shah Alawal completed the last
part of the book. According to Shah Alawal’s Tufa: “Roshang is a blessed
country. There is no sin there and Sri Sanda Thudhamma is the king there. So
his minister Sri-Yut Sulaiman is a man of heavenly knowledge. God created him
at an auspicious hour. He is kind, he is lucky and joyous. He is a singer and
plays instrumental and works for other’s benefit, giving up his own works ——–.
The poet says that Srimanta Sulaiman loved learned people so much so that he
used to provide them food, clothes and shelter, particularly the foreigners on
coming to Arakan received help and patronage from him. 64 According to Shah
Alawal’s Sikander Nama, Srimata Majlis became a Mahamatya or Chief or Prime
Minister of Roshang after getting Nabaraj: seems therefore that his name was
Srimata Majlis. Nabaraj was his official title. It is possible that after the
death of Prime Minister Sayyid Musa, Nabaraj Majlis obtained the job. It seems
further that Shah Alawal was not acquainted with Nabaraj Majlis before; hearing
the name and fame of Alawal, Nabaraj Mujlis called the poet to his court and
gave him much support, so much so that Shah Alawal was able to clear the state
dues. Once Prime Minister sat in the assembly of learned men, arranged foods
and drinks for the guests. Those present in the assembly praised the Prime
Minister for his good works, particularly the construction of Mosques and
excavation of tanks. In reply Nabaraj Majlis said that mosques and tanks were
not permanent. In old days great men did these beneficial works, but they did
not last. Only books have lasted, books pleased the readers, books imparts
education. Illiterate people became learned by reading books; books and poets
are honoured not only in their own country but also out side, and books last
until the day of resurrection. Shah Alawal in 1673 AD completed the book
Sikandernama. 65 Nabaraj Majlis was not only the Prime Minister of the kingdom;
he was so important a personality that he administered the coronation oath to
the king Sanda Thudhamma. The king must have his Magh Ministers also, but the
Muslim Minister got prominence. Shah Alawal says about this: “The great
religious king had a Prime Minister known as Nabaraj Majlis. He was a great
minister and chief of all Muslims of Rohang. Now, I will tell something about
Majlis. When the king went to the heaven, the crown prince came to sit on the
throne. Out side the throne, he stood facing the east. The Majlis wore his
dress and standing before the prince advised him in the following words. ‘Treat
the people as your sons, do not deceive upon the people. According to religious
rites, be just in state duties, and see that the strong do not oppress the
weak. Be kind, be true to your religion, be kind to good people, and punish the
wicked. Try to forgive and do not be impatient, do not punish anybody for the
past offence’. The king accepted all this principles, then bade Salam to the
Majlis and then all others of the family of his mother.” It appears from the
coin of the king that the coronation of the king was held for the second time
in 1672 AD. 66 THE DECLINE AND FALL OF ARAKANESE EMPIRE In 1665 AD Moghul
Empire Aurangzib ordered Shayista Khan, the viceroy of Bengal to build a fleet
of boats. In 1666 AD Shayista Khan’s force of 6,500 men and 288 boats took
Chittagong in 36-hours and occupied Ramu. The fall of Chittagong caused
indescribable rejoicing of Bengal. It was a terrible blow to the prosperity of
Arakanese and with it their century of greatness came to an end. Sanda
Thudhamma’s long reign saw the power of his race passes its zenith, and his
death is followed by century of chaos. 67 In 1685 AD the units of Muslim
archers serving the king of Arakan, got upper hand and continually reinforced
by new forces from upper India. From 1685 to 1710 AD (for 25-years) the
political rule of Arakan was completely in the hand of Muslims. 68 Between the
fall of Chittagong (1666 AD) and Sanda Wizaya (1710 AD) there were 10-kings averaging
two and half years each. Three reigned only one year and two did not reign one
month. 69 Sanda Wizaya died in 1731 AD and was succeeded by ten kings, all of
whom except Narabaya had short reign. In 1777 AD one Aung Sun, a native of
Rambree Island, dethroned the reigning sovereign king Sanda Wimala Raja and
proclaimed himself king and having put down a rebellion which shortly
broke-out, was succeeded, in 1783 AD, by his son-in-law Thamada Raja, the last
independent king of Arakan. 70 ARAKAN UNDER BURMESE OCCUPATION In 1784 AD
Burmese king Boddawphaya sent 30,000 soldiers to conquer Arakan at the request
of Rakhine noble Nagasandi and returned in February 1785 AD with the royal
family and 20,000 inhabitants as prisoner. Thousand of Arakanese Muslims and Arakanese
Buddhists were put to death.71 The Burmese soldiers destroyed mosques, temples,
shrines, seminaries and libraries, including the Mrauk-U Royal Library. As for
Arakanese Buddhists, their revered Mahamuni Image of Lord Buddha was taken away
to Burma. The fall of Mrauk-U Empire was a mortal blow to the Muslims for every
thing that was materially and culturally Islamic was razed to the ground. 72
During 40-years of Burmese rule (1784-1824 AD) rule two third or two hundred
thousands (2,00,000) of the inhabitants (Rohingyas and Rakhines) of Arakan were
said to have fled to Bengal (India). 73 The then British East India Company
Govt. made no objection to the settlement of those people in the Southern parts
of Chittagong region. The Mrauk-U City (Patriquilla) left in ruins. Today the
indigenous Muslims found in and around Mandalay and Central Burma are
descendants of those Rohingyas of Arakan. Similarly ethnic Inthas living in the
Inle Lake in Shan Plateau are descendants of the Rakhines. However, before Burmese
could consolidate their power over Arakan British occupied the Burma colony in
1824. ARAKAN UNDER BRITISH RULE In 1826 AD Arakan was annexed to the British
India and it was almost depopulated. A few months after the conclusion of the
treaty of Yandabo Mr. Paton, the Controller of Civil Affairs in Arakan,
submitted to the British Govt. a detailed report about the character of the
country (Arakan), its extent, history, population, production and manners and
customs of the inhabitants. He stated the population of Arakan as 1,00,000
(Maghs – 60,000; Muslims – 30,000; Burmese – 10,000).74 So on the date of
conquest of Arakan by English, there had already been living thirty thousands
Muslims i.e. 30 percent of the total population of Arakan. Arakanese Muslim who
entered and settled in Chittagong region during 1784–1824 AD is known as Roai
in Chittagong. When peace arrived in Arakan they started to return to their
forefather’s homes in Arakan. Actually, Chittagonians dared not to go to Arakan
because they knew that Arakan was a “Mugher Mulluk” – the lawless country. The
British completed the occupation of whole of Burma in 1885 and made it an
administrative part of India. According to 1911 Census the number of Muslim
population in Akyab District is 1,78,647 and 33 percent of total population.75
Taken an over-all view, the increase was not due to the import of the Muslim
labours by the British from Chittagong. There was large-scale conversion of
Buddhists to Islam during 15th to 18th centuries. It may be mentioned that when
the Dutch industrialists were ordered to quit Arakan they were also not a
little worried because their children left in Arakan were brought up to be
Muslims. 76 Muslim influence was also intensified when Moghul prince Shah
Shuja, brother of Aurangzeb, fled to Arakan in 1660. King Sandathudama murdered
Shuja, but his followers were retained at the court as archers of the royal
guards in which role they frequently intervened as king-makers. The Rohingya
population went on increasing from centuries to centuries and they were in
clear majority in 1942. Eventually, during the Second World War an estimated
500,000 Indians and Muslims fled Burma. Some were clearly following in the
footsteps of the British government, but others allege that they were brutally
chased out by the nationalists of Burma Independence Army or BIA. Thousands are
reported to have died of starvation, disease or during sporadic military
attacks in one of the darkest but least reported incidents in modern Burmese
History. At that time in Arakan, many local Muslims and Buddhists said that,
initially there was not really any serious trouble between two religious
communities, but that it only flared up when the first BIA units entered the
area (Arakan) with the Japanese Imperial Army. The BIA immediately began giving
speeches about the on going expulsions of Indians and other alleged British
supporters from the central Burma and asked why Rakhine nationalists were not
doing the same. As a result, there was an outbreak of the first serious communal
clashes from 1942 onwards.77 THE MUSLIM MASSACRE OF 1942 On 8th December 1941,
Japan declared war against British Government. On 7th March 1942, the Japanese
invading forces occupied Rangoon, the capital city of Burma. On 23rd March 1942
Japan bombed the Akyab City of Arakan. The Japanese fighter planes again bombed
Akyab on 24th and 27th March respectively. So, the British administration
withdrawn from Akyab by the end of March 1942. 78 There was an administration
vacuum in Arakan following the withdrawal of British troops from the area. The
Rakhine communalists in connivance with Burma Independence Army (BIA) led by Bo
Rang Aung brought about a pogrom massacring about 1,00,000 innocent Rohingya
Muslims, driving out 80,000 of them across the border to East Bengal,
devastating their settlements and depopulating the Muslims in some parts of
Arakan.79 According to Mr. Sultan Mahmud, former Health Minister and Member of
Parliament from Akyab district stated that, “I refused to accept that there was
a communal riot in Arakan in 1942. It was a pre-planned cold-blooded massacre.
On March 28, 1942 a group of 37 soldiers who are trekking their way to Burma
was intercepted, persuaded and prevail upon attack and loot the Moslem
villages. The cold-blooded massacre began with an uncontrollable fury in the
Moslem village of Letma on the western bank of the Lemro River in Maybon
townships. It spread like a conflagration in all directions and the
unsophisticated villagers with the prospect of gain joined with guns, dahs,
spears and all other conceivable contrivances of destruction. Some high-minded
and far-sighted Arakanese gentlemen intervened at the risk of their lives to
prevent the deadly onslaught. But all their pious efforts were in vain. There
was absolutely no attempt at retaliation even by way of self-defence by the
Moslem and it was simply one-sided affair. Not a single Rakhine suffered even a
scratch. Maybon Township in Kyaukpru District and the six townships of Minbya,
Myohaung, Pauktaw, Kyauktaw, Ponnagyun and Rathidaung in Akyab district were
depleted of Moslem by murder and massacre and those who escaped evacuated
through long tortuous and hazardous routes across mountains to Maungdaw. Twenty
Two thousand Moslem reached Subirnagar Camp in Rangpur District in India but
very large number had stay behind in Maungdaw owing to lack of facilities,
disease and destitution. These refugees in Maungdaw who had lost their dearest
one and all their property now turned against the Rakhine and fell upon them in
retaliation. This is what exactly happened in 1942 and I leave it to your
impartial readers to judge whether it could be term as communal riot. There
were Moslem too who saved a good number of Arakanese Buddhists from the wrath
of the Moslem and brutality of the Japanese but modesty forbids me from
mentioning their names. I give below the number of Moslem villages totally
destroyed in the various townships in 1942. They are: (1) Myebon in Kyaukpru
District 30 villages; (2) Minbya in Akyab District 27 villages; (3) Pauktaw in
Akyab District 25 villages; (4) Myohaung in Akyab District 58 villages; (5)
Kyauktaw in Akyab District 78 villages; (6) Ponnagyun in Akyab District 5
villages; (7) Rathedaung in Akyab District 16 villages; and (8) Buthidaung in
Akyab District 55 villages. Total 294 villages. All the villages in Buthidaung
Township were re-occupied and rehabilitated by the original inhabitants and
refugees after the War but not a single one in other townships.80 Soon the
Rakhine Buddhists were streaming in droves from the north as the Rohingya
Muslims were streaming from the south, and Arakan stood divided into two
distinct territories, a Muslim north and a Buddhist south one. Since then, the
traditional relation between the two sister communities deteriorated. 81 MUSLIM
STATE AND PEACE COMMITTEE On 9th June 1942 the Rohingya Muslims of Maungdaw,
Buthidaung and Rathedaung area drove the BIA and Rakhine communalists from
north Arakan. On 10th June 1942 the Rohingya Muslims declared North Arakan as
Muslim State and Peace Committee was entrusted for administration of the
area.82 In December 1942 Brigadier C.E Lucas Phillips of British 14th Army came
to Maungdaw to contact the leaders of the Rohingya Muslims. After hard
negotiation, the Peace Committee formed by the Rohingya Muslims headed by Mr.
Omra Meah and Mr. Zahir Uddin Ahmed allowed the British 14th Army re-entry
through the Naf border town of Maungdaw. As per Public Notice No. 11-OA-CC/42
dated. 31st. December 1942, the British Military Administration declared the
former Muslim State as “Muslim National Area”. During the Second World War,
Rohingya Muslims helped the Allied Forces against the invading Japanese in
Arakan Front. The Rohingya Muslims generally stayed loyal to the British and
work with the under ground V-force, most Rakhine nationalists jointed either
with the BIA or under ground Communist movement. The Rakhines only turned
against the Japanese when the British re-invaded Burma in 1945. On 1st January
1945 Brigadier C.E Lucas Phillips became the Chief Administrator of the area
and appointed members of Peace Committee as administrative officers of the
area. This represents a landmark in the history of Burmese independence. The
British recognised the Rohingya Muslims as a distinct racial group and the British
officer-in-command promised the Rohingyas to grant autonomy in North Arakan.83
ARAKAN AFTER INDEPENDENT OF BURMA ¬¬After 40 years of Burmese king Bodaw
Phaya’s tyrannical rule, the British colonialists annexed Arakan to British
India. In 1937 the British separated Burma from India and made Arakan apart of
it. A significant measure of “Home Rule” (internal self-administration) was
given to her. The territory of Arakan became merely a division of the central
government dominated by Burmans in 1948 under a plan pre-arranged before
independence between Burman leaders and the opportunists and self-seekers in
Arakan. Thus Arakan remained under colonial rule forever, with a change in her
masters from the Burman to the British and then again to the Burmans. According
to the London Agreement of October 7, 1947 power was handed over to the
government of the Union of Burma on 4th January 1948.84 From independence in
1948 Arakan – like many other regions of Burma – was rocked by political
violence. The political demands of both Muslim and Buddhist communities were
both over looked by the Burmese central government in Rangoon and Arakan was
not even granted ethnic statehood – although, as evidence of strong
constituency support, four Muslims did win seats in elections to the new
parliament. As a result, while the communists and armed Rakhine nationalists
seized control of many of the towns throughout Arakan, hundreds of Rohingya
armed supporters flocked to joint the popular Muslim singer, Jafar Hussain
(Jafar Kawal), who had formed the first Mujahid Party in Buthidaung township in
December 1947 to press for a Muslim Autonomous State in north Arakan. When the
Rohingyas armed resistance movement gained momentum in 1950’s against the
tyranny of the Burmese regime, the Burmese government appeased the Rohingya
public by offering some governmental positions and a special district called
“Mayu Frontier District”. 85 On 1st May 1961, the Burmese government created
the Mayu Frontier District covering Maungdaw, Buthidaung and the Western part
of Rathidaung townships. It was a military administration, not autonomous rule,
but as it did not involve subordination to Arakan authorities, the arrangement
won the support of the Rohingya leaders, particularly since the new military
administration quickly succeeded in restoring order and security to the area.
When, early in 1962, the government drafted a bill for Arakan statehood, the
Mayu Frontier District was not included in the territory of the projected
state. After the military coup of March 1962, the new military regime led by
General Ne Win cancelled the plan to grant statehood of Arakan, but the Mayu
Forntier District remained under its separate Military Administration.86 ARAKAN
UNDER MILITARY RULE The military regime called them the Revolutionary Council
(RC) and abolished the Constitution and dissolved the Parliament of Burma. All
powers of the State – legislative, judiciary and executive – had fallen
automatically under the control of RC. In February,1963 the RC regime
nationalised entire banks and business enterprises all over the country. In
Arakan, most of the major business establishments were in the hands of Muslims.
The Rohingya Muslims of Arakan were hardest hit in the economic crackdown by
the new military regime. In Arakan even small grocery and rice shops of Muslims
were not spared. The RC banned all political parties and floated a new
political party known as Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). In Arakan only
Rakhine Maghs were inducted to new political party. Notifications were sent by
RC to Arakan Division authories to restrict the movement of Rohingya Muslims.
On 1st February 1964, the Revolutionary Council of Burmese military regime
abolished the Mayu Frontier District and put the area again within the
jurisdiction of Akyab District under the Home ministry. All Rohingya welfare
and socio-cultural organisations were also banned in 1964. The military regime
cancelled the Rohingya Language Programme broadcasted from Burma Broadcasting
Service (BBS), Rangoon in October 1965.In 1974, the BSPP Government convened
the first Peoples Congress (Pyithu Hlut Taw) which ratified the constitution
drawn by BSPP. The new constitution granted State to Arakan in the Unitary
structure. The new name of the state was Rakhine State and was manned by
hundred percent Rakhine and Burman Buddhists. 87 Since 1948, up to 1999, there
have been no less than 20 major operations of eviction campaigns against the
Rohingyas carried out by the successive Governments of Burma. In pursuance of
the 20-year Rohingya Extermination Plan, the Arakan State Council under direct
supervision of State Council of Burma carried out a Rohingya drive operation
code named Naga Min or King Dragon Operation. It was the largest, the most
notorious and probably the best-documented operation of 1978. The operation
started on 6th February 1978 from the biggest Muslim village of Sakkipara in
Akayab, which sent shock waves over the whole region within a short time. News
of mass arrest of Muslims, male and female, young and old, torture, rape and
killing in Akyab frustrated Muslims in other towns of North Arakan. In Mrach
1978 the operation reached at Buthidaung and Maungdaw. Hundreds of Muslim men
and women were thrown into the jail and many of them were being tortured and
killed. Muslim women were raped freely in the detention centres. Terrified by
the ruthlessness of the operation and total uncertainty of their life,
property, honour and dignity a large number Rohingya Muslims started to leave
their hearths and homes to cross the Burma-Bangladesh border.88 Within 3 months
more than 3,00,000 Rohingyas took shelter in makeshift camps erected by
Bangladesh Government. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) recognised them as genuine refugees and started relief operations. The
presence of large number of Rohingya Muslim refugees attracted the attention of
the world, particularly the Muslim countries. Although Burma denied, initially
to accept back her people she was bogged down under international pressure. A
bilateral agreement was signed on 9th. July 1978 in Dhaka between the two
countries paving the way for return of the Rohingya refugees in 1979 after more
than 9 months stay on the soil of Bangladesh. About 2,00,000 refugees returned
home while 40,000 died in the refugee camps.89 According to Human Rights
Watch/Asia reports about 30,000 Rohingya refugees were integrated locally in
Bangladesh and the rest left for Middle East countries. 90 ARAKAN UNDER
SLORC/SPDC MILITARY RULE On September 18,1988 in dramatic turn of events a Ne
Win orchestrated so-called military coup removed civilian BSPP Govt. President
Maung Maung. The military in the name of State Law and Order Restoration
Council (SLORC) headed by Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Saw Maung, took over power.
The SLORC massacred more than 3000 pro-democracy demonstrators before gaining
full control of the situation. Students and political activists were hunted
down and either thrown into torture cells or killed. A large number of them
fled across the border into neighbouring countries or joined anti-government
revolutionary groups based along the border. The Rohingya Muslims of Arakan
have to bear the brunt of SLORC’s wrath. The SLORC started to take vengeance on
the Rohingya Muslims. SLORC held a General Election on May 27, 1990. The
opposition NLD won bulk of the seats. So, SLORC refused to recognise the
results of the General Election. When the masses are becoming restive as a
result of the refusal to hand over power, the SLORC employed the old method of
diverting the attention of the masses from the real burning issues by creating
a new Rohingya drive campaign.91 In 1991-92 a more dreadful Rohingya drive
extermination campaign code named “Pyi Thaya”, had been launched on 18th July
1991 by deploying thousands of brute troops by SLORC in Arakan. A new wave of
violence and persecution fell upon the Rohingyas such as killing, raping of
women, destruction of Muslim settlements, holy places of worship, religious
institutions, and Muslim relics, confiscation of land, detention, portering and
slave labour and various other atrocities rose sharply in early 1991. As a
result, again Rohingyas began to leave their homeland in the thousands to seek
asylum as refugees in neighbouring Bangladesh. The Rohingya refugee crisis that
began in September 1991 with 10,000 refugees entering Bangladesh had reached
its peak by mid-1992 when the refugee population rose to more than 2,68,000.
Rohingya Muslims who fled into Bangladesh as refugees were mainly sheltered in
20 camps with a few residing outside the camps. The camps are located mainly on
both sides of the Cox’s Bazar-Teknaf highway, popularly known as the Arakan
road. Despite its meagre resources, Bangladesh provided food and shelter to the
Rohingya refugees. This time the refugees came mainly from Maungdaw,
Buthidaung, Rathidaung and Akyab townships of Arakan State.92 International
agencies and NGOs later on came to their help. Under Bangladesh-Burma bilateral
agreement signed on 29th April 1992 a total of 2,29,877 Rohingya refugees were
repatriated to Arakan. More than 20,000 Rohingya refugees are awaiting
repatriation with deep frustration because of the slow pace of their
repatriation.93 The history of Arakan on the whole is not at all a complicated
one, but it has been made to be so by some interested intelligentsia in Arakan
and Burma proper. Above all, the Burman king Bodawpaya who plundered Mrauk-U in
1784 AD is basically responsible for the destruction of every things that was
Islamic in Arakan. He is also responsible of getting the History of Arakan
written by U Kala, on the basis of two unauthentic Magh chronicles which were
absolutely devoid of everything about the Rohingya Muslims. Universal man
cannot forget his history. So, we cannot abandon and cynically consign the past
history of Rohingya people to oblivion. Whatever so far has been found written
about the Muslims of Arakan are merely collateral and mostly corrupted. Anyway,
truth cannot be suppressed for long. It will come to light sooner or later.
NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Mohammed Ali Chowdhury, The Advent of Islam in Arakan
and Rohingyas, The Annual Magazine 1995-96, Arakan Historical Society (A.H.S),
Chittagong, Bangladesh, 1996, P.24; Rohingya Outcry and Demands, Rohingya
Patriotic Front (RPF), Arakan (Burma), 1976, P.20; M. Sahabuddin, Arakan in
Historical Perspective, The Monthly Bulletin of the Bangladesh Institute of Law
and International Affairs, Vol.1, April 1978, No.4. 2. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims
of Burma, A study of Minority groups, Weesbaden, Otto Harrassowitz, 1972, P.18;
Natmagh Bon Kyaw, History of Anglo-Burmese War (in Burmese), Pagan Publisher,
Rangoon, 1975, P.7. 3. Amanullah, The Etymology of Arakan, THE ARAKAN, Vol.10,
Issue 2, July 1997, P.4. 4. Ibid. P.4 -5. 5. The High School Geography of Burma
(in Burmese), The Textbook Committee, Ministry of Education, The Socialist
Republic of Union of Burma, Rangoon, 1975, P.283; Nurul Islam, The Rohingya
Problem, Arakan Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO), Arakan (Burma), 1999,
P.2 6. San Tha Aung, The Buddhist Art of Ancient Arakan, Daw Saw Saw Sapay,
Rangoon, 1979, P.2; Nurul Islam, The Rohingya Problem, ARNO, Arakan (Burma),
1999, op. cit., P.3. 7. Dr. Ganganath Jaha (Jawaharal Nehru University),
Rohingya Imbroglio: The Implication for Bangladesh in S.R.Chakaravaty (Edited)
Foreign Policy of Bangladesh, New Delhi, 1994, P.293; The Manifesto of Arakan
Rohingya National Organisation (ARNO), Arakan (Burma), 1999, P.3 ; The Genocide
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Nederland, Amsterdam, October 1995, PP. 92-93. 8. G.E Harvey, History of Burma,
London, 1928, P.137, P.369 – 372. 9. D.G.E Hall, A History of South-East Asia,
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A History of Chittagong, Vol.1, Chittagong, 1988, PP. 110, 116. 14. M.Siddiq
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Smart, Burma Gazetteer – Akyab District, Vol.A, Rangoon, 1957, P.19. 17.
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Arakani Rohingyas in Burmese Society, M.A. Thesis (unpublished), University of
Windsor, Ontario, Canada, 1981, PP. 24-25; Alan Clements and Leslie Kean,
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Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit., P.18. 26. Ibid. P. 18. 27. M.S.
Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.491. 28. M.A. Taher Ba Tha,
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(in Burmese), Mya Radana Press, Rangoon, P.55 33. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of
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Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit.; P.19; M.S. Collis, JBRS,
50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.493; G.E. Harvey, History of Burma, op.
cit., PP.138 – 139; D.G.E Hall, A History of South-East Asia, op. cit., PP. 329-330;
Lt. Col. Ba Shin, Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD, Rangoon 1961, PP. 4 – 6;
Rizvi (Edited), Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong, op. cit., P.63. 35.
Dr. Enamul Haq O Abdul Karim Shahitya Bisharad, Arakan Rajshabhay Bangla
Shahitya, Calcutta, 1935, PP. 4-12. 36. Dr. Muhammad Mohar Ali, History of the
Muslims of Bengal, Vol.1B, Imam Muhammad ibn Saud Islamic University, Riyadh,
K.S.A, 1985, P.865; M. Siddiq Khan, op. cit., P.249; Geoffrey Barraclough
(Edited), The Times Atlas of World History, London, 1985, P.133. 37. Dr.
Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vol.1, op. cit., P.230 38. Ibid. P.232 39.
Dr. Abdul Mabub Khan, The Magh, Dhaka, 1999, op, cit., PP. 22-23. 40. Dr.
Muhammad Mohar Ali, History of the Muslims of Bengal, Vol.1B, op. cit.1985,
PP.866-868; Rizvi (Edited), Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong, op.
cit., PP. 63, 348-349. 41. Lt. Col. Ba Shin, Coming of Islam to Burma 1700 AD,
op. cit., P.5; Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vo. 1, op. cit., P. 233,
239, 250 & 271; Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, op. cit., P.19;
Siddiq Khan, op. cit., PP. 248-249; Harvey, op. cit., P140; D.G.E Hall, op.
cit., P.330; ABM Habibullah, Arakan in Pre-Mughal History of Bengal, JASB,
1945, PP. 34-35. 42. M.S. Collis, JBRS 50th Anniversary, Vol. 2, op. cit.,
P.493. 43. Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vol.1, op. cit., P.179. 44.
M.S. Collis, JBRS 50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.494. 45. M.S. Collis, JBRS
50th Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.494. 46. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma,
1972, op., cit., P.20; G.E. Harvey, History of Burma, op. cit., PP. 143-144;
Siddiq Khan, op. cit., P.251; Taher Ba Tha, Salve Raids in Bengal or Heins in
Arakan, The Guardian Monthly, Rangoon, Vol. VII, October 1960, PP. 25-27. 47.
Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, PP. 19-20. 48. Ibid. P.494; Rizvi
(Edited), Bangladesh District Gazetteers: Chittagong, op. cit., P.67. 49. Dr.
Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vo.1, op. cit., P.233. 50. Ibid. PP. 239 –
240. 51. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, 1972, P.20. 52. Jamini Mohan Ghosh,
Maghs Raider in Bengal, Bookland Private Ltd. Calcutta, 1960, P.1. 53.
G.E.Harvey, The History of Burma, op. cit., PP.142 – 144. 54. Satyendra Nath
Ghosal, Missing Links in Arakan History, Abdul Karim Sahitya Visarad Commemoration
Volume, Asiastic Society of Bangladesh, Dacca, 1972, P. 257. 55. Moshe Yegar,
The Muslims of Burma, 1972, P.20; Harvey, The History of Burma, op. cit.,
P.145. 56. Dr. Qanungo, A History of Chittagong, Vol. 1, op. cit., P.271. 57.
Ibid. PP.271 – 272. 58. Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, A Short Account of
Their History and Culture (in press}, PP. 48-50; Shitya Patrika, Winter, 1364
B.S. PP.57– 60 and P.83. 59. Sayed Sajjad Hussain, A Descriptive Catalogue of
Bengali Manuscripts, Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Dacca, Publication No.3,1960,
PP.281– 82; Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.53-55 60. Ibid. P.507;
Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.55-57. 61. Ibid. P. 282; Dr. Abdul
Karim, The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.66-70. 62. M. Siddiq Khan, The Tragedy of
Mrauk-U (1660 – 1661), Journal of the Asiatic Society of Pakistan, Vol. XI,
No.2, August 1966, P.198. 63. G.E. Harvey, Outline of Burmese History,
Longmans, London, 1947, PP.95 – 96; Rizvi (Edited), Bangladesh District
Gazetteers: Chittagong, op. cit., P.83. 64. Dr. Abdul Karim, The Rohingyas, op.
cit., PP.69-70; Sahitya Patrika, op. cit, PP.140 – 141. 65. Dr. Ahmed Sharif,
Alaol Birachita Sikandernama, Dhaka 1977/ 1384 B.S., P.P.29–30; Dr. Abdul
Karim. , The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.59-61. 66. Ibid. PP. 26 – 27; Dr. Abdul
Karim. , The Rohingyas, op. cit., PP.61-63. 67. G.E.Hervey, History of Burma,
London, 1925, PP.147 – 148. 68. D.G.E. Hall, A Short History of Southeast Asia,
3rd Edition, 1977, P.401. 69. M.S. Collis, JBRS, 50th Anniversary No.2, op.
cit., P.498. 70. R.B. Smart, Burma Gazetteers – Akyab District, Vol.A, Rangoon,
1957, P.27. 71. G.E.Harvey, History of Burma, London, 1925, op. cit., PP.267 –
268. 72. Rohingya Outcry and Demands, RPF, 1976, P.33; Dr. Mohammed Yunus, A
History of Arakan Past and Present, 1994, P.92. 73. M.S. Collis, JBRS, 50th
Anniversary No.2, op. cit., P.499; Muhammad Ishaque (Edited), Bangladesh
District Gazetteers: Chittagong Hill Tracts, Dacca, 1971, P.33. 74. A.C.
Banarjee, The Eastern Frontier of British India, Calcutta, India, 1964, PP.350
– 351. 75. R.B. Smart, Burma Gazetteer – Akyab District, Vol.A, Rangoon, 1957,
P.83. 76. D.G.E Hall, Studies in Dutch Relation with Arakan, JBRS 50th
Anniversary No.2, P.72. 77. Martin Smith, The Muslim Rohingyas of Burma,
Rohingya Reader II, Burma Centrum Nederland, Amsterdam, October 1996, P.10. 78.
Advocate Kalilur Rahaman, Karballa-i- Arakan (Urdu), Calcutta, 1946, P.15; Dr.
Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arakan Past and Present, 1994, P.105. 79. The
Manifesto of ARNO, Arakan (Burma), op. cit., 1999, P.7. 80. Sultan Mahmud,
Muslims in Arakan, THE NATION, Rangoon, Sunday, April 12, 1959. 81. Moshe
Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, THE CRESCENT IN THE EAST, Edited by Dr. Raphael
Israeli, London, 1982, P.123 and A. Irwin, Burmese Outpost, London, 1945, P.23.
82. The History of Maungdaw Township (in Burmese) complied by the Township
Peoples Council, Maungdaw, 1980, P.65. 83. Mohamed Ashraf Alam, The Memories of
Al-Haj Master Hasson Ali (1898 – 1985), Master is a closed friend of Master
Omera Meah who was President of Peace Committee of North Arakan (1942-1945);
Records and Documents of Dr. Mohamed Ayub Ali, a closed assistant of Jafar
Kawal who collected various documents and records of Rohingya Movement. 84. The
Manifesto of ARNO, Arakan (Burma), 1999, PP.6 – 7. 85. Martin Smith, The Muslim
Rohingyas of Burma, Rohingya Reader II, Burma Centrum Nederland, Amsterdam,
October 1996, P.11. 86. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma, The Crescent in the
East, Edited by Dr. Raphael Israli, London, 1982, P.128. 87. Dr. Mohammed
Yunus, A History of Arakan Past and Present, 1994, PP.148 – 150. 88. Genocide
in Burma against the Muslims of Arakan, Rohingya Patriotic Front (RPF), Arakan
(Burma), April 11, 1978, PP.2 – 4; Dr. Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arakan Past
and Present, 1994, PP.158 – 159. 89. Dr. Mohammed Yunus, A History of Arkan
Past and Present, 1994, PP.160 90. The Rohingya Muslims Ending a Cycle of
Exodus, Human Rights Watch/Asia, Vol.8, No.9(C), New York, September 1996,
P.20. 91. Ibid. P.11. 92. Abdur Razzaq and Mahfuzul Haque, A Tale of Refugees:
Rohingyas in Bangladesh, The Centre for Human Rights, Dhaka, 1995, PP.12, 22.
93. The Daily Star, Dhaka, September 13, 1999, Slow Pace of Repatriation
Frustrates Rohingyas. The author is the secretary, the research and publication
department, Arakan Historical Society and publish in Souvenir on Silver Jubilee
Anniversary (1975-2000) of Arakan Historical Society.
========================================= Toward Understanding Arakan History
Part 1 By Abu Anin Preface A mirror reflects exactly any object that stands
before it. So does history reflect the past of a people or a nation? History
gives us knowledge of past. But history can be a forgotten past, especially for
literally less advanced people. After a few generations, history cannot be
remembered unless it is written or recorded, and observation of illiterate
tribes all over the world shows, that they are helplessly wrong with regard to
the events of their history for more than a couple of generations back. Thus
recording of history in various forms took place from the early stage of human
society. Records of history are very important such as roots are for trees.
Without proper records of history it is very difficult for a people to go ahead.
For future planning we need the knowledge of past.Hence, I have been studying
the history of Arakan in particular and of Myanmar in general and have been
collecting some important facts and records related to them. Here some of my
friends requested me to compile a brief but precise history of Arakan with
special attention to the evaluation of Muslim society there and I complied with
their request. Writing a history book needs knowledge and experience. It is a
big job for me as it will consume time, mind and energy. At the same time I was
not free enough because of my personal engagements. Non-availability of some
reference books is another factor. Next most of the history books on Arakan, by
Arakanese themselves are found to be irrelevant with the latest researches of
scholars. Many facts there are illogical, imaginary and exaggerative in nature.
So to bring historical nucleus in to light with authentic references and
correct documentations become an essential part of my task here. Further, facts
concerning Muslim’s role in Arakan, traditionally have been covered ‘up or
distorted. In this treatise my attempt to bring them in to light may be subject
to refutation from some circles. Especially three historical nucleuses here may
be found deviated from our traditional concept though they are real and true.
The main object of this treatise indeed is to shed light on these points. These
three points (nucleus) of Arakan’s history are: * The existence of a cultural
and political transition from Indian Wethali period to Burmese Lemyo period in
early 11th century. * The fact that genealogically Rakhine people are a branch
of Tibeto-Burman in contrast to some Rakhine writer’s attempt to show their
origin in the Indo-Aryan’ people of Dannyawaddy and Wethali with whom they of
course have mixed up to a limited extent. * The fact that in the light of
racial and linguistic affinity with Wethali people, Rohingya of Arakan today
are to be designated as the descendants of those early Indo-Aryan people of
Arakan. These new findings of mine may draw criticism from some circles. But
these are historic realities supported by prominent researchers of today like
Dr. Pamela Gutman of Australia. So it is up to our new generation to research
and bring light on these issues. Records of Muslim role in Arakan are amply
found in the chronicles of India and Bengal. But to avoid refutation and denial
from some circles, I gave preference to quote from the works of Arakanese,
Burmese and some western historians. Most of the points and facts in this
thesis are rarely found in the works of present day Arakanese and Burmese
writers. Nonetheless, greater parts of my writing are extracted from the works
of eminent Arakanese historians and prominent Arakanese politicians of early
period. Some inscriptions recently showing the roles of Muslim Kings in Arakan
were brought into the light by the researches of Professor G. H. Luce and Dr.
Than Tun of former Myanmar Historical Commission. So I have extracted some
portions in my thesis from their writings. References from English books are
kept in its original form, where as for Burmese, I Have tried my best not to
deviate from the tract and meaning of original writers. Traditionally, we see
Arakanese chronicles always distort or belittle the roles of Muslims in Arakan.
Yet we find in them a lot of valuable facts and points, which substantiate the
remote past of Muslims and their role in the sociopolitical life of Arakan. For
some issues, which seem contentious, and subject to criticism from some circles
I have tried, here, to substantiate them or to authenticity them with the
analyses and commentaries of some Arakanese writers. I used the terminology
“Magh” for Rakhine, somewhere in this text, not deliberately but unavoidably to
conform to the original writings. I am aware that the Arakanese Buddhists used
to disclaim that name. Anyhow, I hope this attempt of mine will give a clear
and precise account of both Arakanese history and the roles Muslims had had in
it. It will of course help the readers to have a comprehensive and
chronological knowledge of Arakanese history. Even, Dr. Pamela Gutman, an
Australian, specialist on the history of ancient Arakan said, “Many gaps in our
knowledge of ancient Arakan are soon to be filled by the publication of the
catalogue of Burmese manuscripts by BSPP”1. So this research of mine cannot be
said to be perfect and complete. I admit my ability not being able to bring all
essential facts and points here, in this booklet. Of course my effort is like a
drop in an ocean. History is wide and somewhere much complicated. It is up to
our younger generation to research and bring to the light the reality of
history for our coming generations. I have avoided the trend, which some people
forcibly want to take. History is history. It should be as it was. It cannot be
what I want it to be. Sometimes new findings may overshadow old ideas. Further
if someone happens to be in disagreement with some facts and points here, he is
advised to see the original text concerned. In chapter XI, Muslim influence in
the medieval period, some facts will sound repetitive. It is only to
substantiate their authenticity I have to quote the opinions and commentaries
of different writers on the same subject or fact. Here, in this thesis
Rohingyas, Muslims, Arakanese Muslims or Rakhine Muslims are used frequently to
indicate the same entity Rohingya. Since this is a precise and chronological
study of whole Arakan history, I would like to name this treatise as “Towards
understanding Arakan history”. Publicity of Rohingya’s true historical and
legal background is essential to promote their stand among the national peoples
of Myanmar. So here in this treatise I did try my best to fulfill that object.
It is up to my readers to comment how far my maneuvers are successful in achieving
that objective. Lastly I highly appreciate and acknowledge the help contributed
by some of my friends who gave me valuable advices and encouragement, and took
a great burden to bring this copy up to its fair stage, especially by
computerizing it. Without their cooperation this copy is hardly possible to
reach its completion. Presently they prefer to remain anonymous. BRAJ in Japan
is given my consent to publish it there. Copyright otherwise in book form or
website is reserved by the author. Welcome your constructive opinions and
commentaries through the publisher. Abu Anin A Researcher of Arakan history
Yangon, Union of Myanmar Dated: November 2002 Introduction Arakan, the western
most province of Myanmar, for most part of its history was an independent
kingdom. As there were frequent incursions and attacks from the east as well as
from the west, its central authority sometimes was weak. For many times
Arakanese had to seek help from Burma proper to maintain stability in their
country. It fell under Burmese (then Ava Kingdom) rule in 1786 and then under
British rule in 1826. After Burmese independence in 1948, it became part of
Burmese Dominion again. Dr. Pamela Gutman says the early history of Arakan has
been generally considered to be that of a province of India, and hence its
study had been neglected by both Indian and South-east Asian historians.2 There
always have been a section of people who disfavor to highlight on any political
role played by Muslims of Arakan. The roles of Muslims or Rohingyas have been
concealed or belittled, in some cases distorted in the writing of that (said
above) circle. Therefore, an attempt hereby is being made to highlight on
Muslim roles, but not neglecting the abridgement of Arakan history as a whole.
Main sources of reference here are the works of Arakanese and Burmese writers.
As regard to foreign sources, Dr. Kanungo, Dr. Pamela Gutman, Moshe Yegar, D.
G. E. Hall, G. E. Harvey, Sir Arthur Phayre and M. Collis are frequently
quoted. In this treatise I give more emphasis on the transitional period from
Chandra dynasty (Vesali) to Burmese dynasties after the mid 10th century. Some
new facts of researches are brought here about the transition. Until now most
Arakanese chronicles described this transitional period in a vague manner.
According to Rakhine chronicles, the last king of third Wethali (Vesali) King
Sula Chandra was succeeded by two Mro Chieftains, Amarathu and his son (some
say his nephew) Paipru one after another. They were attacked by Pyus and Shans.
Paipru had to flee to the northwest. In the mean time the Sak (Thek) in the
north grew stronger. A Sak king Ngamin Ngadon, whom Rakhine chronicle supposed
to be a son of late Sula Chandra, seized the throne of Wethali and shifted the
capital to Sambowet, not very far from Wethali. Dr. Pamela said there were
invasions of Tibeto-Burman from the east and the Sak had revolted against them.
But finally the Burmese or the present Rakhine gained the control of the plain
and Ngamin Ngadon was dethroned.3 Ngamin Ngadon’s being son of Sula Chandra is
an issue subject to question. Sula Chandra’s wife, Chandra Devi, married
Amarathu, a Mru. So her infant son, if there was one, should fall in the hands
of Mru, not in the hand of Sak, the rival of Mru tribe, who gain the throne of Wethali
after Sula Chandra. Arakan State Council in its publication of Arakan history
says Ngamin Ngadon was killed by the conspiracy of eastern people (the
Burmese). He was succeeded by Kettathin, who had shifted the capital to Pyinsa.
Establishment of Pyinsa is a change and a new phase of Arakan history.4 It
further says Wethali is counted up to the end of Sambowet, by historians. U Hla
Tun Pru, an eminent Arakanese politician and historian says “they (the Burman)
performed other Yatras which contributed to his’(Ngamin Ngadon’s) ruin. No
wonder Ngamin Ngadon fell in a wan with king of Pagan in 380 A. E. (Perhaps 818
A. D. according to Arakanese chronicles and 1018 A. D. according to western
writers.). Arakan nevertheless kept her independence. The next king was
Khettathin, a grand nephew of Sula Chandra. He set up a new capital at Pyinsa.
After his death Arakan continue to be ruled by his descendants.5 Here the
interesting thing is Kettathin, the successor of Ngamin Ngadon (a Sak) cannot
be a half brother of him or a grand nephew of Sula Chandra as Arakanese
chronicles try to say. Pamela says when Kattathin was ruling at Pyinsa, there
was a parallel king at Wethali. She refers the Prasasti on the north face of
Shitthaung pillar, which indicates an effort of a king of Candra line. The king
could have been a legitimate member of old Candra family, attempting to counter
act from the old capital (Vesali) the influence of puppet kings (Mro, Sak and
Burman) owing their allegiance to Pagan and ruling in the new capital, Pyinsa.6
Pamela Gutman continues to say that the Prasasti on the northern face of
Shitthaung pillar is a cry for help from the old capital and the last gasp of
an Indianized line and the last Sanskrit inscription in Burma.7 So the puppet
king, Kettathin at Pyinsa could not be from the family of Sula Candra. The
cause or reason behind the Burmese raid was of course to gain the sovereignty
over the land. So the successor on the throne would naturally and logically be
a man of their own i.e. a Burmese, not a Klansman of defeated Ngamin Ngadon.
Further the name Kettathin and the name of successive kings of his descendants
were all Burmese, where as Sula Candra and his descendants had been Indians,
and if Kettathin and his descendants had been from Sula Candra family line
their name would had been Indianized ones too. That is why Dr. Aye Chan,
formerly from Yangon University history department and an Arakanese himself,
said there might have been a great political and cultural change or a great
upheaval in Arakan in early 11th century A.D.8 So the question of genealogical
and cultural affinity between the people of Wethali and present day Rakhine
people is a matter subject, to further researches for scholars. To relate
homogeneity between the two groups, in my opinion is short of truth. However we
will analyze it further in the next chapters especially in the chapter
“transition”. In this treatise the events of late colonial period and post
independence periods are discussed on a lengthy basis. The reader may find many
new facts in it. In the mid of Mrauk-U dynasty (AD. 1430 – 1786) Arakan was on
its zenith. Its authority extended to the East Bengal (Arakanese chronicle say
up to the border of Nepal) in the west and to Pegu and Marttaban in the east.
Yet this empire like-kingdom diminished. It is interesting to study how and
why? Next, the chapters, early Muslim contact with Arakan, Muslim influence in
Arakan in late medieval period, and patronizing of Bengali literature by
Arakanese kings will portray a picture that Muslims in Arakan are not aliens,
as many used to think, but an integral part of Arakan’s socioeconomic life.
This little treatise will help the readers to judge the Muslims of Arakan (the
Rohingyas) from the right geo-political perspective and understand their
historical and legal background. This understanding, I hope, will lead to
harmony and unity and finally to prosperity. Rohingya and Rakhine make the
major portion of the population of Arakan. There are some differences between
them. But if we judge with broader spectrum we will find a lot of similarities
and affinities too. So we must utilize these similarities for our common goods.
Arakan population at present is roughly estimated near about 3 million.
Approximately half of this total population is Muslims, who are known as
Rohingyas, which literally means settlers of Rowang (alias) Arakan. Arakan
formerly was known by various names such as Argyre, Rakhapura, Rakhasa,
Rakhasha, Arkhoung, Rakhanj, Rakham, Racham, Recon, Rohang, and Rowang respectively
varying on the language of different nations who had had close contact with
Arakan. We will find it in the chapters “Etymology of Arakan”. Finally I have
added a new chapter, “The survey of UNHCR”. From this chapter, we can learn the
viewpoints of international communities over the socio-economic life of Arakan.
At the end of the book some appendices of illustrative maps, photo copies of
coins, historic edifices and Rohingya leaders of early period are attached for
better documentation. Abu Anin A Researcher of Arakan History Yangon Dated:
November 2002 CHAPTER I GEOGRAPHY A: THE LAND The physical boundaries of Arakan
determined on one hand the extent of control possible by central authority and
on the other the opportunities for migration of people and cultures from Bengal
on the west and Burma proper on the east. Through out most of her history, the
country reached from Lat. 26° 20′ N to Lat. 16° N at the pagoda point and from
Long. 92° 20′ E at the Naf River to Long. 95° 20′ E at the crest line of Arakan
Yoma. The latitudinal spread varies from about 160 Km in the north to about 40
Km about the latitude of Sandoway narrowing to a point at pagoda point.9 It is
a narrow mountainous strip of land along the eastern coast of Bay of Bengal. It
stretches north and south, wider in the north and tapering down to the south.
It is cut off from Burma proper by a long range of mountains: Arakan Yoma that
has some passes to cross along. It has 176 miles long boundary, both land and
water with Bengal i.e. now Bangladesh. Having a long coastal area, its sea
communication has been very easy and there were foreign merchant colonies in
Arakan. Moshe Yegar, an Israeli researcher says Arakan extend some 250 miles
along the eastern shore of the Bay of Bengal and the northern part of it today
call May yu district was the point of contact with East Bengal. These
geographical facts explain the separate historical development of that area,
both generally and in terms of its Muslim population until it was conquered by
Burmese Kingdom at the close of 18th century. In addition, from the very
beginning of Muslim commercial shipping activities in the Bay of Bengal, the
Muslim trading ships reached the port of Arakan just as they did the port of
Burma proper. And as in Burma, so too in Arakan there is a long tradition of
old Indian settlements Bengal became Muslim in 1203, __ In northern Arakan
close over land ties were formed with East Bengal. The resulting cultural and
political influence was of great significance in the history of Arakan.
Actually Arakan served to a large extent as a bridgehead for Muslim penetration
to other parts of Burma, although the Muslims never attained the same degree of
importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan.10 The present Rakhine State
(Arakan) has an area of a little more than 14,000 sq. miles. According to
Albert Fytche, from Combermere bay, twenty miles south of Akyab the coast is
rugged and rocky, offering few harbors for ships; Kyauk Pru harbor inside the
island of Ramree is safe and easy of approach; and at the mouth of Gwa River
further south there is a fairly sheltered roadstead and inner harbor easy of
access through a channel with two fathoms of water at low tide; the rise and
fall of the tide is seven feet only. The coast is studded with fertile islands,
the largest of which are Cheduba and Ramree. Owing to the nearness of the
mountain range which bounds Arakan, there are not large rivers; the principal
ones are the Naf estuary on the extreme west, the Mroo (May Yu) river and the
Kaladan River rising some where near the blue mountain in 23° N Lat. Kaladan is
navigable for fifty odd miles by vessels of 300 or 400 tons burden, and on the
right bank of which, close to its mouth, is situated the town and port of
Akyab, the headquarter town of Akyab district and of the Arakan Division.11 In
the east of Kaladan there is Lemyo river on which bank were situated all
(except Thabaik taung) ancient cities of Arakan. The high ranges of Arakan Yoma
extended from Chin Hills to the pagoda point, forming a series of ridges and
spurs reaching to the sea the series of rivers, Naf, Mayu, Kaladan and Lemyo
have built up narrow alluvial flood plains. The plains are criss-crossed by
tidal streams ringed withmangroves. Agriculture is the main base of economy.
The hot wet tropical monsoon climate allows continuous cultivation through out
the year. Most internal and external communication is by water. Today
communication with Myanmar proper becomes easier through Ann, Taung Gup, and
Gwa passes. There are airports in Akyab, Kyauk Pru and Sandway. There are about
2 million acres of cultivatable land, a little more than half of which is
presently cultivated. The land is fertile with wood and bamboo reserves. There
are some natural waterfalls such as Sein Daing waterfall of Buthidaung. There
is reserved crude petroleum too. Salt cooking and fishing are other main
sources of economy. Sandoway is famous for its Ngapali sea beach recreation
center. The official figure of population in 1983 is a little above 1.9
million. Present population may exceed 3 million. There are 17 towns, northern
most towns is Maung Daw and the southernmost is Gwa. Akyab is the capital of
the State (Arakan). B- THE PEOPLES Pamela Gutman, an Australian specialist on
ancient Arakan, in her Ph.D. thesis described about the peoples of Arakan as
the following. The nature of the population during our period is a complex
question and only the broadest outline can be attempted here. The present
minority groups Mru, Sak, Kumi and other Chins can be seen to have preceded the
Rakhine and the related Chaungtha. A. Phayre noticed that the names of Bilu, or
Raksasas, the demon-like creatures in the chronicle accounts of the coming of
Buddhist missionaries to Arakan bear a strong resemblance to names common among
the Khumi and Chin, and certainly the reputation of some Chin tribesis
consistent with the activities of the Bilus. Before the slow drainage and
formation of the alluvial plain of the Kaladan valley, the population was
confined to limited ecological niches; the ridges, where Taungya agriculture
has long been practiced, for now most of the natural tropical rain forest has
been replaced by secondary growth and the bank of the streams and rivers where
sedentary dry rice and millet productions is possible. These remain the habit
of the minority groups today. Presently the population of Aakan mainly consists
of Rakhine and Rohingya. Other minorities are Mru, Sak, Daing Net, Chin, Kaman
and Myanmargyi (a) Bruwa. Some of these minorities still live a tribal lives.
Most of them have their mainstream clans in Chittagong hill tracts. MRU: Mruin
Arakan numbered 14,000 in the 1931census. Most of them inhabit the northern
part of Akyab and the Chittagong hill tracts. Professor Luce considers that the
Mru entered Arakan from central Burma, noting that “Linguistic connections with
Sak-Cantu, Karen and old Burmese seem certain., a few influences from old Mon
likely ”. They are he says essentially hill men, slow in progress from the
state of hunters and food gatherers to that of food producers and were never
wetrice cultivators. Their original claim to the land is reflected in the
Arakanese chronicles, which refer to the Mru as inhabitants of the country when
the Arakanese entered it. They are sometimes called Mro, in old Burmese Mru1.
Their name for themselves is Maru Ts’a “Children of Men”.12 Arakanese
chronicles say there were two or three Mru successive kings in late 10th
century. They ruled in Wethali for more than two decades after the last Candra
king Sula Candra. In 12th century the Mrus had helped king Datharaza in his
search for Mahamuni image.13 This Mrus had some political roles-in Arakan
history. Phyare further mentions that once Mrus were a powerful tribe on
Kaladan, but were driven out by the Khumis who came from the north. Most of
them presently live on the ridges of Buthidaung, Mrauk-U, Min Bya and Kyauk Taw
Townships. They formed a political party in 1990; most of them became
Christians recently. KHUMI: They are neighbors of Mru living on the ridges in
Akyab District and western part of Paletwa subdivision. They numbered over
30,000 in 1931 census. About 2,000 Khumi also live over the border in
Chittagong hill tracts. They speak a language more akin to the western
Tibeto-Burman. Their dialect is nearer to Kukhi Chin than the Mru and regarded
them as a Tibetan tribe.14 Now-a-days Khumi has some political alliance with
Mru. And they jointly registered a political party before the 1990
parliamentary election. SAK (THET): U Hla Tun Pru shows some affiliation
between the people in Chittagog hill tracts and the Sak in Arakan. According to
U Hla Tun Pru the Sak speak a Bengali dialects.15 But Dr. Pamela Gutman says
they were probably the next group to move into Arakan. Once they spread over
ttle north of Burma, from Manipur perhaps to northern Yunnan, the Sak and the
closely reiated Kadu people are fragmented a series of tiny minorities in
remote places. Luce describes ttleir Tibeto-Burman language as remarkably pure,
as well as old, with little admixture. Pamela Gutman tries to relate this Sak
with “Thet” of early Burma. Their numbers in 1931 census was only 691. More
than 3,000 Sak live in 14 villages in southern Chittagogn hill tracts, and in
others along side Mru and Marmas (Arakanese). The Sak attained higher cultural
level than any of the other minority peoples in Arakan. Luce writes it seems
from the Burmese chronicles that there were Thets in the Arakan Voma
(Macchagiri “the fish mountains”) with whom some early Pagan Kings were rather
shame facedly in conflict in particular with Thet-min Kadon, king of Sak. A
giant king with a similar name Ngamaung Kadon, appeared in the folk lore of
Saingdin valley and waterfall in north Arakan, not far to the east of Dodan.
During the Pagan Dynasty the pioneers of the invading Burmans, the Rakhuin,
must have been pushing over the passes into north Arakan. Was the giant king
really one of the pioneer Burmans whohad met himself the king of the Sak;
perhaps it was a result of Burman invasion into central plains that Arakan
suffered another Sak invasion, or uprising, in the 10th century. In the 10th
century when they are said to have destroyed the Mahamunni Shrine in Arakan.
They were pushed to the plain of Arakan in 10th century by invading Rakhine
(Burman) and there were Sak insurrection in Arakan in 10th century. When Pai
Pru, a Mru king, was attacked by Shan and others he fled away from Wethali in
994 A.D. This time there was Sak upheaval. They grew stronger and their chief
Ngamin Nga Don gained the throne of Pai Pru, in Wethali. He shifted the capital
to Sambowet. Later, he was attacked by the Burman and he was succeeded by
Kettathin, who moved the capital to Pyinsa, 16 on the Lemyo River. CHIN: Pamela
Gutman says the Chins are the Kyekyan of old Burma. They are widely spread and
diverse. They usually practice hill cultivation. Professor Luce considered that
the Chin might have been in the low land of Burma, east of Chindwin Division
from the middle of first millennium A.D. Their infiltration into Arakan had
certainly begun before the arrival of Burman Rakhaing. Rakhaing were the last
significant group to come into Arakan.17 DAIGNET: Daignet was classed as Sak
and their number was 6,159 in 1931 census. But they are mostly regarded to be
more akin to modern Chakma of Chittagong hill tracts. They appear to be of
Tibeto-Burman origin with strain of Chittagonian blood and speak Bengali. In
features they differ from other hill tribes of Arakan. They dress in white and
wear their hair at the back of the head and they do not tattoo their bodies.
They do not intermarry with other races and speak a corrupted Bengali.18 THE
BRUWA: They are also called Mramagyi in Rakhine and Mara Magi in Bangladesh.
About Bruwa, Dr. S. B. Kanungo says, the Buddhists of Chittagong belong to
three groups; the plain Buddhists, the Magh and the Chakma ————–the plain
Buddhists are most closely related to Hindus in appearance, dress and diet than
their Magh and Chakma co-religionists.19 They speak a dialect similar but not
identical to Rohingya language. There are some differences in vocabularies and
accents. Yet they can communicate with one another, without much difficulty.
Despite their difference in religion Rohingya and Bruwa, genealogically seem to
have a close link in remote past. There are a few thousand Bruwas in Arakan
today. SLORC Government designated Bruwa as indigenous race of Myanmar. Arakan
politicians try to say Bruwas are from Rakhine group of family. But in language
and features Bruwas are more identical with Rohingyas. Unlike the Hindus, Bruwa
have no caste distinction and food restriction. THE KAMANS: They are a branch
of Muslims. They are said to be the descendants of palace guards of Rakhine
kings. U Hla Tun Pru says the followers of prince Shujah were also merged with
them in the unit of archers. They recruited new members from northern India.
They grew in number later as some Rakhine personal of the same unit converted
to Islam. They speak Rakhine language. They are nearer to Rakhine in all
aspects except their religion.20 The Kaman version of their history is not far
away from this. More about these Kaman will come in the next chapters. The word
Kaman (a Persian word) comes for bow and arrow. Kamanchi means bowman. RAKHINE:
Rakhine is greater in number than other ethnic peoples in Arakan. The
composition of Rakhine and Rohingya is roughly half and half in Arakan’s
population. Rakhine people is educationally advanced and control almost all
government departments in Rakhine State (Arakan) and they have ethnic as well
as cultural affinity with Burman and that is a reason they gets upper hand in
socio-political life of Arakan. The latest research of Australian researcher of
Arakan history, Pamela Gutman, says Rakhine were the last significant group to
come into Arakan. The date of their arrival is contentious, the chronicles
exaggerating the antiquity of their hold on the land. Both culturally and
linguistically the Rakhine are closely related to the Burman, although they
regard themselves as the older branch of the race. It is well known the Rakhine
language preserves a number of archaisms, particularly the use of r and y, no
doubt because of the relative isolation by the Yoma, but the same isolation
have also led to the development of new forms.21 Hence there are sayings in
Burmese “Ping Reik manaing Rakhine Mey (i.e. Ask the Rakhine for correct
spelling)”, and “Rakhine vocabularies are Burman’s glossaries”. Lincanzo
Sangermano says “the Rakhine people is ethnically related to the dominant
Burman, which had descended from central Asia, hence their physical resemblance
and affinities of language with the people of Tibet.22 J. Layden on the
Arakanese language states, the Rakhaing race is admitted to be of the same
radical stock as the Burman or Burmans, and is understood to have greatly
preceded that nation in civilization they consider the Rekheng as the most
ancient and original dialect of the Burma language.23 Today, some Rakhines live
in Chittagong hill tracts. They call themselves Mrama. Encyclopedia Britannica
narrates; most of the tribal people of Bangladesh inhabit the Chittagong hill
tracts in the southeast, the least densely populated area of the country. Of
the approximately 12 ethno-linguistic tribes of Chittagong hill tracts the four
largest are the Chakma, the Marma (Magh), the Tripura (Tipera) and the Mrus.24
An eminent Rakhine politician and historian U Hla Tun Pru says Arakanese and
Burmese have affinities of blood, language and alliance between them indeed;
does not a celebrated Burmese classic “Lawkidbitna Nagat” declare.25 Meaning
“Let me say to hundred of tribes, Myanmar, Taliang, Rakhine, Tavoy, Barem,
Taungthu and so called Katyan are all the seven groups counted as Myanmar”. A
related group of Rakhine, speaking an almost identical language, the “Chaung
Tha” river son live as their name implies, along the bank of the rivers,
principally practiced Taung Ya (Hill) cultivation.26 As Rakhines are
educationally advanced there are many historians amongst them. U Aung Tha 00,
Mang Aung Piya, Sayadaw U Nyana, San Shwe Bu, U 0o Tha Tun and many others have
written Arakan history. But most of them differ in their opinion about the
etymology of the term Rakhine. So here I would like to take the official
version of BSPP and the analysis of Major Ba Shin and Nai Pan Hla, both of who
are from Burma History Research Society (Burma History Commission). Rakhine is
said to have derived from the ancient flame of the land Rakasa (Pali), Rakhasha
(Sanskrit). First it became Rakhit. Then Rakhain.27 Both Dr. S. B. Kunango and
Pamela Gutman say the name Rakhuin, Rakheng were found in Myanmar inscription
from 12th to 15th century. Dr. Kunango says perhaps the name Rakhaing was given
to the Arakanese by Burman.28 Formerly in India as well as in the west, Rakhine
is known as “Magh”. The new English Dictionary states, that the word Mog, Mogen,
Mogue (“Bengali Magh”) appears as name of Arakan and the people there, in
fifteen and sixteen centuries.29 Some say Rakhines are called Magh, because
they came from Magheda, India. It is true, people from Magheda had been
compelled to flee eastwards around first century A.D., some of whom ultimately
took shelter in the kingdom of Candras.30 But to postulate the Rakhaing people
who entered Arakan in about 10th century, have ethnic relationship with those
Moghedi people of first century A.D. is very difficult. Moreover, nowadays
linguistic influence and ethnic affinity of Maghdi people are only found in
Rohingya not in Rakhine. Historians of Bengal say the dialect spoken in
Chittggong originates from Maghadhi Parakrit or Maghadhi Apabharamasa
———-According to S.K. Chatterjee, dialect of Chittagong evolved from Maghadhi
Parakrit. This Maghadhi Parakrit overflowed into Chittagong through the
progress of Aryanization and infiltration of Maghadhi settlers.31 Here
Chittagong language and Rakhine language are quite different. Ethnically
Chittagonians and Rakhine cannot be at the same par. Rakhine people do not like
to be called Magh. They disclaim the name. So far scholar did not find out the
etymology of the terminology “Magh”. It is subject to further researches.
Burmese senior politician and writer U Thein Pe Myint writes; on his journey to
India in 1942, he found Magh police officer and Magh settlers in the side of
India along Myanmar-India border. He further says they (Maghs) are
Myanmar-Rakhines and are heavily influenced by Bengali culture.32 ROHINGYA:
Presently Rohingyas are not in the official list of so-called indigenous races
of Arakan, though they constitute almost half of the total Arakan population.
In the context of religion almost all Rakhines are Buddhists, Bruwas and
Dainets are Buddhists too. Kamans and Rohingyas are Muslims. Most other tribal
races are mainly animist whereas a few low Landers of them are Buddhists. It is
found in the late 1980 s that most of the Mru had converted into Christianity.
There were some European hybrids during 17th and 18th centuries, when there
were intense European intercourses with Arakan; especially Portuguese were
given many privileges during .this period. There were intermarriages,
especially with Portuguese. These hybrids were not allowed to take away by
Arakanese law then.33 These hybrids today are assimilated in the Arakanese
society. In the words of Albert Fytche, the kingdom of Arakan or Magh, has for
many years been the resort of Portuguese settlers. It has thus contained
numerous Christian slaves or Portuguese half-breeds; as well as Europeans
called from the various parts of the world. It has been a place of refuge for
fugitives from Goa, Ceylon, Cochin, Malacca and other Portuguese settlements in
India. No persons were better received than those who had deserted their
monasteries, married two or three wives or committed great crimes. Those people
were Christian only in name. In Arakan they threw off all restraints, their
levies were more detestable. They massacred or poisoned one another without
compunction or remorse. They sometimes assassinated their ownpriests, and to
confess the truth, the priests were often no better than their murderers. The
king of Arakan lived in a perpetual threat of great Mogul. So he kept these
Christian foreigners as a kind of advance guard for the protection of his
frontier. He permitted them to occupy a seaport called Chittagong and made them
grants of land in its neighborhood. They were in no way amenable to government;
it is therefore not surprising that their only trade was rapine and piracy. 34
Lastly there are some other minorities such as Hindu, Sanche, and Heins who are
very little in number today. Some of them are assimilated to the nearest
communities. The prime object of this treatise is to explore all aspects of
Rohingya’s life, which we will analyze in the next chapters. So I am not going
into details of Rohingya here. CHAPTER II ETYMOLOGY OF ARAKAN Arakan has a long
coastal Area. It has been open to the Shipping of many countries from the west.
It falls on the way from India to Malacca. According to Ptolemy, the 2nd
century A. D. geographer, there were about 198 trade centers or towns along the
coast of Arakan. He called the country Argyre from Naf River to Pagoda Point.
His records mention Parapura a town in the extreme north and Sandoway at the
farthest south.35 In Arakan, a number of trading centers were established along
the coast, engaged in the export of forest products of the hill tribes. By the
beginning of 3rd century this has resulted in the emergence of local chiefs,
half remembered, in the early historical portion of Ananda Candra’s prasasti
(11.9 -17) as the ancestral monarch whose power extended beyond the limits of
the village or group of villages. However, the narrow plains behind the coastal
towns of Sandoway, Ramree and Man Aung prohibited the formation of
agriculturally; based urban centers; and it was not until the second half of
the 4th century A.D.that Dvan Candra Established the city of Dhannya Vati (Dannya
Waddi) on the rich alluvial plain of Kaladan Valley.36 (Some say it was not
Dannya Waddi but Wethali). So from the early Christian era there were the
presences of many foreign nationals. Many nations had commercial contacts. Each
people from different nation called Arakan in its own term. Some names called
by different nations are similar with slight difference of accent. The root
cause of this difference is difficult to explore, the naming of a place by a
nation may base on its myth, language, and culture and on some historic facts.
China is a western term where as Arab called it Sin and we Burman call Tayoke.
Why are these differences? In this way we will find in this chapter Arakan has
been called by different names historically. Phayre said the name Rakhaing is
traditionally derived from Pali Rakha, Sanskrit Rakhasha synonymous with the
Burmese Bilu. The country is named Yakkapura by Buddhist missionaries from
India, because of the ferocious nature of its inhabitants.37 Parmela Gutman in
her book writes it is interesting to note that the old Tamil word for demon
(Bilu), derived from Sanskrit Rakhasha, is Arracan. There appears to be some
connection here with Tamil Arracan, “Shallac”, which is said to have derived
from the Lexical Sanskrit “Raksa” “Lac”. It may be that Arakan in .the first
century Christian era was a major Source of Lac, still a product of its oldest
hill tribes. The earliest trade route to Arakan originated in the south of
India. Ptolemy, whose informants seem to have obtained their information, on
coastline of South Asia from South India, may have been inclined to equate
Tamil Accalan or Kannadaaragu with Argyre.38 (South Indian language is Tamil).
So early traders from the west (perhaps) got the name from south Indians and
the Persian called it Recon and the Arab called it AI-Recon. Classical
geographers referred to South East Asia as the golden land, Chryse and the
silver land, Argyre. Ptolemy in the second century A. D. referred Arakan as
Argyre, his name for the country stretching from Naf River to Cape Negris.39
Pamela Gutman writes the fragmentary Prasasti on the north face of Shitthaung
Pillar written in the mid 11th century A.D. mentions Areka Desa. She further
says in the inscriptions of Pagan, Ava from 12th to 15th centuries, the country
is referred to as Rukuin or Rakhaing.40 She explains we find in Hobson-Jobson,
Srilankan chronicles and Tharanat history; the names in various forms, such as
Arakan, Arraccan,Rakhanga, Racchami, Rakhan and Recon. Nidcolo dei Conti in
1420 A.D. called it Raccani where as Babosa quoted in 1516 as Arraccan.41
Srilankan chronicle says Rakhanga, which in Bengali became Rohang, because
Bengali pronounces “kh” as “h”. Khan in Bengali is pronounced as Han. According
to Dr. S. B. Kunango, in Persian source book the name Arakan is written as
Arkhaunk and in its slight variation.42. The name Rakhine, it seems is of much
antiquity. Sir H. Yule wants to identify the country named Argyre in Ptolemy
with Arakan, the name being supposed to be derived from silver mines existing
then.43 Yule’s assumption is supported by M. C. Crindle and D. G. E. Hall. In
Rashiddudin’s (14th century Indian historian’s) work the name appeared as
Rohan. He said the country of Rohang was subjugated to Khan44 (Mongul Khans).
Sidi Ali a Turkish navigator belongs to the middle of 16th century wrote it
Rakhanj or Rakhang. The authors of Aini-i-Akbri, Bahristan Gaibi, and Siarul
Mutha Kharin write Arkhaung, which appears also with a slight change in Alamgir
Nama and Fathya-i-Barial.45 In the medieval Bengali works and Rennell’s map the
name is written Roshang.46 ————– In colloquial Chittangonian dialect the
country is called Rohang; “SH” being replaced by “H” [Still today, we found
Hindu Bengali say Roshang, where as Muslim Bengali say Rohang]. Here as people
of Chittagong are called Chatghannya, so do people of Rohang are called
Rohangya. It is very comprehensive from linguistic point of view of Bengali
language. Medieval Portugue and other European travelers mention it as Recon,
Rakan, Rakhanj, Arracao, Oracao, Aracan and Vanlir Schoter writes it Arakan,
which is nearest to the present name.47 Ralf Fytch, an English merchant toured
India and Burma in the last decade of 16th century. He writes Arakan as kingdom
of Ruon. So A. P. Phayre quoting Ralf Fytch, described Arakan as Ruon48, which
sounds like Rowang. Rajamala chronicle (Tripura chronicle) says their king
Dania Maneikha conquered Roshang in mid 16th century. His commander was named
“Roshang Mardan” i.e. conqueror of Arakan. He returned after keeping Roshang
Mardan as Governor of Chittagong.49 In the records of Italian traveler Manucci,
it is said Recon, r ferring Persian source. There are names of places in
Bangladesh indicating reference to Arakan. A section of people, east of Shanka River
in Bangladesh still today are called “Rowangi” meaning people of Rowang or
Arakan. Due to racial suppression, which we will see in the next chapter many
Muslims took refuge in Bengal in Rakhine period. Rohingya classified the
Rakhine as Rohingya Magh and Anaukiya Magh, which means Rakhine from Arakan and
Rakhine from Anouk Pyi (Bengal). So here Rohingya means settlers of Rohang
alias Arakan. Thus Rohingya is synonymous to Arakanese. There were many many
Bengali courtiers in the palace of Arakan Kings.They were encouraged by the
Kings to flourish Bengali literature. Daulat Qazi and Shah Alaol were two
ministers and writers in the time of both Thiri Thudama and Sanda Thudama in
mid 17th century. In their works, Arakan is Roshang or Rohang and its people are
Rohingya. Even there was a narrative poetry book in the name of Roshang
Panchali.50 Still today there are some people who say Rohingya is a creation.
This term has no historical background. This is just an imaginary terminology,
created by some political circle. Some say it was given by Pa-Ta-Sa Government.
Yet some other say it was given by Thakin Soe, formerly Red Flag Communist
Party boss. What so ever we find researches of foreigners to authenticate the
antiquity and historicity of Rohingyas. Gil Christ and F. Buchanan researched
about this people and their language. Buchanan was an English diplomat in the
Embassy of Michael Syme, in Ava. Francois Buchanan studied the languages of
Burmese Empire. He said Burmese language has four dialects, that of Burma
proper; that of Arakan; that of Yo and that of Tanasserim. About the languages
of Arakan, F. Buchanan writes: I shall now add three dialects spoken in Burma
Empire, but evidently derived from the language of Hindu nation. He details the
first (language of Arakan) is that spoken by Mohammedans, who have long settled
in Arakan, and who calred themselves “Rovinga” or native of Arakan. The second
dialect is that spoken by Hindus of Arakan. I procured it from a Brahmin and
his attendant, who had been brought to Amarapura by the king’s eldest son, on
his return from the conquest of Arakan. They call themselves Rossawn, and for
what reason I don’t know they wanted to persuade me that theirs was the common
language of Arakan. He (Buchanan) further states the last dialect of
Hindustani, which I shall mention is that of a people called by the Burman
Ayokobat, many of who are slaves in Amarapura. By one of them I was informed
that they call themselves Banga, that formerly they had kings of their own; but
that in his father’s time, their kingdom had been overturned by the king of
Manipura, who carried away a great part of the inhabitants to his residence,
when that Manipur was taken last by Burman fifteen years ago. This man was one
of the many captives who were brought to Ava from Manipur. Buchanan said the
native Mughs of Arakan dill themselves Yakain, a name given by Burman. By the
Bengal Hindus, at least by such of them as have been settled in Arakan, the
country is called Rossawn _____ the Mohammedans settled in Arakan called the
country Rovingaw, the Persian called Rekon. Buchanan continued, Mr.Gil Christ
has been so good as to examine these dialects, which come nearest to the
Hindustani spoken on the Ganges. They have studied comparatively the three
dialects, which appeared in the Asiatic researchers, Calcutta, Vol. 5, 1801.
This study of Mr. Gil Christ and F.Buchanan proved the antiquity and
historicity of Rohingyas. In the late 8th century, some ships wrecked Arab
having been washed ashore on an Island in the west coast of Arakan, called the
land Raham-bri in Arabic, which means the land of Allah’s blessing.51 Later the
whole land of Arakan was called Raham-bri or Mukh-e-Rahmi; the same meaning in
Arabic. The term Raham-bri is still in vague with slight corruption in Burmese
as Rambree. Arab geographers refer to this place as Jazirat-ur-Rahmi, or
Mulk-Rahmi. Here both Mulk and Jazirah means (in Arabic) country. Ibn
Khudadbhi, an Arab geographer of 10th century said “Jazirat-ur-Rahmi” come
after Sarandip (Ceylon) and contain peculiar unicorn animals and little naked
people.52 AI Masudi mentioned it as a riparian country after Sarandip (Ceylon)
and on the Indian Ocean. Yacut’s identification placed it as the farthest land
of India towards the Strait of Malacca.53 Sulaiman the merchant who lived in
the middle of 9th century A.D. mentioned that the king of Rahmi was a powerful
ruler with fifty thousand elephants and an army of 150,000. 54 In fact
Jazirat-ur-Rahmi of Arab geographers was attributed to the kingdom of Rohang,
because it still has elephants in the north.55 Persian was official language of
Muslim Indian rulers for many centuries. They used Arab or Persian terminology
in naming places. So people in India called Arakan in Persian term Rohang.
Besides, many different places, rivers and mountains in Arakan also bear names
of Persian or Arabic origin. These include Rambre (Island), Akyab (the
capital), Kaladan, Naf, Kalapanzan (rivers) and so on. In early 12th entury
A.D. there was Kamal Chega son of Rama Thonza became king of “Rohang”. During
his reign there was war in the country and the Chakmas (Daiknets) migrated to
that country.56 It is a fact that Arakan in Bangladesh is colloquially called
Rohang, Roshang, and Rowang with a little difference of accent, region wise.
Rohingya is a mixed race. They trace their origin to Arabs, Moors, Turks,
Persians, Moguls, Pathans, native Bengali and Rakhine. But some Rakhine people
reject the notion that Rohingyas have Rakhine blood or Muslims in Arakan
consists of some Rakhines. The real phenomenon is, a great many “kids of
Rakhine” are found to have been brought up in Muslim households. Next, there,
though very rare especially in the north, are some mixed marriages. Finally
there are authentic chronicles testifying mass or group conversion of natives
in 15th and 16th centuries. Rakhine Maha Razwin (Great History of Arakan) by
Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung, an honorary archeological officer of Mrauk-U
Museum, gives a clear description of how Rakhine or natives of Arakan did convert
to Islam village by village in the time of Zelata Min Saw Mun, the 9th king of
Mrauk-U dynasty. [See detail in Chapter X]. In this context the remark of a
British army officer is noticeable. Anthony Irwin, a front commander of Second
World War remarked about the ethnic character of Arakan Muslims as
follows:————– and to look at, they are quite unlike any other product of India
or Burma that I have seen. They resemble the Arabs in name, in dress and in
habit. The women and more particularly the young girls have a distinctive Arab
touch about them.57 Rohingya language is an admixture of different languages as
Rohingya is composed of different ethnic groups. They wrote in Persian
alphabets when Persian influence was great in India as well as in Arakan. Some
even say the official language of Arakan, since early Mrauk-U period till the
coming of British was Persian. However, I don’t have clear proof to testify it,
but Burma Gazetteer Akyab District states, about the historic Badr Mokam of
Akyab. It says there are orders in Persian in the deputy commissioner’s court
at Akyab dated 1834 from William Pam pier, Esq., commissioner of Chittagong and
also Dichenson, Esq., commissioner of Arakan, to this effect that one Hussein
Ali (then the thugyi “Headman” of Buddawmaw circle) was to have charge of
Budder Mukam in token of his good services rendered to the British force in
1825), and to enjoy any sum that he might collect on account of alms and
offerings.58 Since official orders in early British time was in Persian, it can
be assumed that Persian was official language until then. But later when
Bengali courtiers got high-ranking posts in Arakan palace in 17th and early
18th centuries, Rohingyas used to write their language in Bengali alphabets,
many copies of, which are, still in the possession of Rohingya people in
Arakan, In remote past i.e. during the Wethali period they used Nagari letters
to write as was proved in the inscriptions of that period. There are region
wise names for the Burmans. Upper Burmans are called “Anyatha” or “Pagantha”,
lower Burmans are called “Auktha” and people in Arakan are called “Rakhaintha”.
On the same pattern, Rohingyas call “Chatghannya” to Chittagonians,
“Rambizziya” to Rambrians and “Rohingya” to people of Rohang alias Arakan
Proper. Here one thing, some senior Burmese politicians and imminent
personalities such as Saya Chae formerly a member of Myanmar election
commission used to raise the question why the Rohingyas are all Muslims? Is
there a race with a singular religion? In fact all the native peoples in
ancient Arakan were called Rohingya disregard of their faith just as all the
people of Burmese extraction in Arakan have been called “Rakhine Thar” by
Burmans. Whatsdever there are today in the world so many ethnic peoples whose
religion is the same. Further we get the answer of the said question in Arakan
itself. In Arakan all Bruwas and Dainets are Buddhists where as all the Kamans
are Muslims. So Rohingya’s being all Muslims in no way infringes to their being
an ethnic group. Generally Muslims, all over the world are not called by their
ethnic names but only as Muslims. Muslims too prefer to be called Muslims. So
in Bosnia, Philippines and in many other places peoples know there are Muslim
problems. In fact these peoples involved in problems have their own ethnic
origin. The same log worked in Arakan; Rohingyas in the early periods were
recorded as Muslims. This fact reduced the weight of Rohingya’s historicity.
However, in the context of socio-political background of Arakan, Rohingya is
Muslim and Muslim is Rohingya though there are a few people of other faiths who
are also Rohingyas and they indeed have genealogical affinity with Rohingya.
During Burmese invasion of Arakan, ironically, Muslim infantry assisted both
Burmese and Rakhine forces. On Burmese side King Bodaw Pya enlisted a Muslim
force (originally) migrated from Arakan to Ava in early 18th century), which
had served as bodyguard in his palace for years. Settled in 1784, the unit
served as a standing army posted to Thandowe (Sandway). Their descendants,
albeit few in numbers still live in Thandowe and are called Myedus. The British
census of 1931 enlisied 5,160 Myedus in total. From outsiders perspective they
cannot be distinguished from their Rakhine neighbors, but by their religious
habits. As their ancestors lived near Myedu in the district of Shwebo, they are
called Myedu Kalah.59 CHAPTER III ANCIENT ARAKAN (A) ANCIENT PEOPLE OF ARAKAN
The early most settle s before Indian or Indo Aryan infiltration into Arakan
were said to be Austroloid or proto Austroloid, who were also known as Rakhasa
or Rakhasha. These peoples were also described by historians as demons, half
man half monsters. So this land formerly was called as Rakhapura, land of
Demons by Indian missionaries.60 Buddhist people from north and northeastern
India drove out this wild people.The terminology Rakhaing is said to have
derived from Rekhasa or Rekhasha. First it became-Rakhait, and then it turned
into Rakhaing.61 (B) INDO – ARYAN SETTLEMENT Arakan chronicles trace its
history nearly two millennium back. Mostly their chronicles were based on
legendaries. But we have records or inscriptions showing historical facts of
last millennium. The most authentic record is Anada Sandra Monument or
Shitthaung stone pillar still stands on the ground of old Palace in Mrauk-U.
The Dannya Waddy (Dannya Vadi) dynasty of pre-Christian era and the Wethali
(Vesali) dynasty of Candra (Sandra) king was said to have rooted from early
Christian era. Wethali dynasty lasted until mid 11th century. Judging from the
point of their literature and culture, they are said to be an early Indian
people, like the one in east Bengal. All eminent historians researching ancient
Arakan recognized it. H. W. Wilson says before 10th century A.D. in Arakan only
Indians and Indian culture including the literature were found. Burmese and
Burmese cultures are found only after 10th century.62 Major Tun Kyaw 00 (Rtd.),
formerly chairman of a political party, in his party’s booklet Vol. VII
explains about the setters of early Arakan. He writes it is obvious settlers in
Dannya Waddy and Wethali were from central lndia. They are extractions of
Indo-Aryan people. The political system of Wethali and Dannya Waddi were
autocratic king systems like that of central India. In early period there exist
caste systems in Dannya Waddy as Hinduism flourished there.In Wethali period
Buddhismbegan to take root in Arakan, caste systems were not found in temples
but in social life there still exist some segregated tendencies. The language,
literature, culture, religion, food and even cooking systems were similar to
that of central India. So these peoples were not called Rakhine in those days,
but they were just the peoples of Wethali. Their language was not like that of
present day Rakhine and Burman. Rakhines are basically Mongoloid in blood;
later they mixed with Kashitriya Indo-Aryans and became the Rakhine race.63 The
Arakan chronicles were mostly based on legends. In this regard, R. B. Smart
says the early history of the country is involved in mist; the existing
records, compiled by the Arakanese, are filled with impossible stories invented
in many cases, and in others based on tradition but so embellished as almost to
conceal their foundation and all made to show for the glories of the race and
of the Buddhist religion.64 U San Than Aung, former Director General of Higher
Education Department and an Arakanese himself, recognized that there are in
fact discrepancies in chronicles written by Arakanese. According to D. G. E.
Hall, from very early days the older and purer form of Buddhism, the Hina Yana
or less vehicle, was established there. It must date from before the arrival of
the Burmese in the 10th century, when Arakan was an Indian land with population
similar to that of Bengal.65 If we are to point out a people in Arakan today
similar to abovementioned Bengali, Rohingya shall not be discounted. Those
Bengalis became Muslims by the works of Arabs and other Muslim missionaries.
Maurice Collis, who is generally regarded by Burman as a fair-minded western
historian, says the Hindus of early centuries A.D. migrated eastwards via
Arakan, founding kingdoms as they went. The present Akyab district being nest
door to Bengal, was necessarily the first kingdom they founded and may date before
the first century A.D. For thousands of years it was an Indian land, dynasty
following dynasty. Then in 957 A.D. the whole area was overrun by Mongolian
incursions from the north the Mongolian mixed with the Indians and created the
Rakhine race.66 Maurice Collis say this is an answer to his question about the
Rakhine race, by U San Shwe Bu, an honorary archeological officer of Mrauk-U
Museum: Maurice Collis further says when he asked about the Arakanese language,
which is very similar to Burmese, whether the invading Mongolians were Bruman?
Collis says (U San Shwe Bu’s) opinion was that; it was a matter for experts,
though common sense assumption seemed to be that either the original Mongolians
or succeeding waves of Mongolian immigrants imposed the Burmese language on the
area. Maurice Collis asked U San Shwe Bu, and what happened after 957? U San
Shwe Bu replied Arakanese history proper then began and lasted eight centuries
until the Burmans conquered the country.67 D. G. E. Hall says too, the (present)
people of Arakan are, basically Burmese. Writers in the past have applied them
the name Mugg (Bengali – Magh), but the Arakanese disclaim the name and apply
it only to the product of mix marriages on the Bengal frontier. So far scholars
had failed to discover its etymology.68 Rohingyas claim to be the descendants
of this early Indian people of Arakan. Linguistically and Genealogically
Rohingyas are the only people to have shown affinity with those early Indians
in Arakan. Language of early inscriptions in Arakan is much similar to Rohingya
language than any other languages in Arakan. Early people were Hindus and
Buddhists. Religian alane is nat a factar to. disawn Rahingyas their
genealagical link with thase early peaple. At that time Bangladesh presently a Muslim
majority state, too was a Hindu or Buddhist dominated region. (C) ANCIENT
CITIES The cities or capitals were successively Thabeik Taung, Dannya Waddy
(Dannya Vati), Wethali (Vesali) dawn to 11th century. Then came Sambawet,
Pyinsa till 1118 A D., Parin 1118-1167, Hkrit (1167-1180), Pyinsa (again)
(1180-1237), Launggyet (1237-1433) and Mrauk-U (1433 -1785). All were in Akyab
district on or near Lemyo River except Thabaik Taung, which stood on the
Yochaung River.69 There are of course some discrepancies of dates between
Arakanese and western chranicles. The authenticity of chronicles written by
Arakanese or their correctness is subject to further researches. Still these
chronicles say there were three dynasties in Dannya Waddy period. They are: *
Marayu Dynasty (B.C. 3325 – 1507) 57 kings ruled far 1818 years. Note: There
were dynasties in the name of Marayu in India, too. * Kamaraja Dynasty (B.C.
1507 – 580) 28 kings ruled for 927 years. * Chandra Suriya Dynasty (B.C. 580 –
A.D. 326) 25 king ruled for 907 years.70 Then came the Wethali (Vesali)
Dynasty. Sometimes it is called Wethali Kyauk Hlega (stone ladder) period. The
issue of the root of wethali is contraversial. Some say first Wethali was
rooted before Christian era. Some say it was 4th century A.D., the city of
Wethali was established. What so ever Wethali and Chandra family have some
connections? Perhaps someone from Chandra Suriya family had established first
Wethali city, which we can postulate by observing the Shitthaung Stone Pillar.
Thus there were Wethali periods in Arakan and it has three phases. That is
first, second and third Wethali; most of the historic facts of this period, are
found in some inscriptions though Wethali is not yet completely excavated by
Archeological Department of Myanmar. There are variations in the narration of U
Hla Tun Pru 71 and U San Tha Aung 72 both of whom are Arakanese, in regard of
Wethali periods and times. U Hla Tun Pru says Wethali period extends from AD.
327 to A.D. 818. Where as U San Tha Aung says Wethali period began from B.C.
518 and lasted until 10th century. U Hla Tun Pru described Wethali as follows:
* DVEN CHANDRA Dynasty (AD. 327 – 557) 13 kings ruled for 230 years. * MAHAVIRA
Dynasty (A.D. 557 – 686) 9 kings ruled for 129 years. * BALA CHANDRA Dynasty
(A.D. 686 – 818). Further U Hla Tun Pru categorized Arakanese political history
as fallows: * Dannya Waddy period B.C. 3325 – A.D. 327 3, 652 years *
WethaliPeriod A.D. 327 – A.D. 818 491 years * Lemyo period A.D. 818 – A.D. 1430
612 years * Mrauk-U period AD. 1430 – AD. 1784 354 years * Burmese period AD.
1784 – AD. 182 6 42 years * British period AD. 1826 – AD. 1948 122 years Bala
Chandra period of U Hla Tun Pru is not found in the description of U San Tha
Aung which is based on Shitthaung Pillar inscriptions. So here we must accept
the fact that there are discrepancies on some date and facts between Arakanese
chronicles and inscriptions.73 U San Tha Aung writes it is learned there are 48
chronicles written by Rakhines. Each of them differs in regard of kings and the
time of their rule. It is difficult to choose the right one. All these are
written in our present day language. So facts of the period prior to 10th
century AD are not reliable. Annanda Sandra Stone Pillar of Shitthaung Temple
is a valuable record of Arakan history. So we must say these inscription is
more authentic and reliable.74 &ckdif&mZm0if tvkd a0omvDacwf at’D 327
ol&D,auwk.om; r[mpjENm; ESifh tpjyKjyD; 794 plXpjENm;rif;om; irif;iwkH
ESifh at'D 794 rSmqkH;onf? There were at least three breaks in Wethali period:
first in early 4th century, second in late 7th century and third in late 8th
entury. During these breaks the rule of Candra kings was destabilized, but
finally they could reorganize and maintained their family rules. The Chandras
called themselves Chandra Vamshi, descendants from the moon, and they
worshipped the moon. After the end of third Wethali the rule of Candra family
line was over and the country turned from Indian to Burman. After Sula Candra's
death two Mru successively got the sovereignty of Arakan from 957 A.D.
Arakanese chronicles say Kanraza Gyi the eldest son of Abhi Rajah who founded
the kingdom of Tagaung some 3,482 years before Christian era, founded the first
Dannya Waddy dynasty. During third Dannya Waddy period about 554 B.C. in the
reign of Sanda Thuriya a statue (Image) of Buddha, who flied to Arakan on his
Divinely Journey was allowed to erect. But western historians say the reign of
Sanda Thuriya was A.D.146 -198. This variation lead to the differences of dates
throughout Arakan history between Rakhine's and westerner's Chronicles. Pamela
Gutman says the last king of third Dannya Waddy, first built the city at Kan
Thon Sint and shortly after moved southwards and built Vesali in A.D. 327. The
city of Vesali 9.6 Km south of Dahnna Vati, is flanked by Rann Chaung, a
tributary of Kaladan to the west and the ridge between Kaladan and Lemyo
valleys in the east. The city was also known as the city of stone stairs.
According to Rakhine chronicles, first Wethali dates back in 4th entury; second
Wethali in 6th and the third Wethali in 7th century. But the inscription on the
Shitthaung Pillar says first Wethali rooted in some centuries before Christian
era. The political situation in Wethali found in 4th century became very
confused. The king saw some Evil Omens. The control of center deteriorated. But
at the beginning of 6th century Bala Candra again maintained the stability. And
a king (described in Shitthanung Pillar as Maha Vira) from the west established
the third Wethali, but it too lost stability in mid 7th century, which again
was controlled by a king of Chandra family Maha Taing Chandra, rebuilt the
capital near the old city in 788 A.D. This Wethali or the last dynasty of
Chandra kings lasted until mid 11th century. Sula Taing Chandra (A.D. 951 -
957) wasn't last king of Chandra family in the Wethali as some used to assume.
North face of Shitthaung Pillar indicates that there was Chandra Kings even in
11th century. All students of Arakan history accept Shitthaung Pillar of
Mrauk-U, as the most authentic historical record. But some portions of this
Pillar are unreadable. Yet scholars have tried to bring the best from the
worst. The following are the recorded Wethali Dynasties as shown in the
Shitthaung Pillar inscription. This inscription was in Nagari script and Indian
language. Dr. John Stan and Dr. Sarcir read it. According to Shitthaung Pillar
inscription; (a) First Wethali Dynasty Sr: No. Name of King Period of Rule 1
Unreadable B.C. 518 - 398 2 Unreadable B.C. 398 - 278 3 Unreadable B.C. 278 -
158 4 Bahu Boli B.C. 158 - 38 5 Raya Palhi B.C. 38 - A.D. 82 6 Unreadable A.D.
82 - 202 7 Sandra Daya A.D. 202 - 229 8 Anna Waka A.D. 229 - 234 9 Unreadable
A.D. 234 - 331 10 Ribia Pwa A.D. 331 - 334 11 Kawer Ram Devi A.D. 334 - 341 12
Uphawira A.D. 341 - 361 13 Zahguna A.D. 361-368 14 Lanki A.D. 368-370 75 The
version about Wethali in Arakanese chronicles seemed incomplete. Chronicles say
Wethali was founded in 327 A.D. and lasted up to 794 A.D. Only 12 kings ruled
during this period. According to them Sula Sandra is the last king.76 Some say
Wethali period is from A.D. 370 to A.D. 818.77 Some even say (Wethali) or
Sandra rule in Arakan was from 8th to 10th century. To them there were 9 kings
from Mahataing Sandra to Sula Sandra.78 But the name of kings and time of their
reign mentioned on coins and Shitthaung Pillar are familiar. The records of
inscriptions are more authentic.79 So quoting the inscriptions I mentioned the
king list of first wethali, which took root in a remote time before Christian
era in contrast to the descriptions of other Rakhine chronicles. The list of
second Wethali dynasty according Shittaung Pillar as was read by Dr. Sarcar is:
Sr: No. Names Reigning Years 1 DvenCandra A.D. 370 – 425 2 Raja Candra A.D. 425
- 445 3 Bala Candra A.D. 445 - 454 4 Deva Candra A.D. 454 - 476 5 Yajna Candra
A.D. 476 - 483 6 Candra Bandhu A.D. 476 - 483 7 Bhumi Candra A.D. 483 - 489 8
Buthi Candra A.D. 489 - 496 9 Niti Candra A.D. 520 - 575 10 Vizya Candra A.D.
575 - 578 11 Prifi Candra A.D. 578 - 590 12 Prethvi Candra A.D. 590 - 597 13
Dhrli Candra A.D. 597 - 600 During the second dynasty the capital was moved to
Kan Thon Sint and later to Wethali, some say to Dannya Vati, which seemed
safer. Lying further south, Vesali was even more open to the western influence
than Dannya Waddy. More easily reached by over land route, and it also took
advantage of increased trade in the Bay of Bengal during 6th cntury and later.
When that trade was interrupted by Cola invasion of mid 11th century and
increasing incursion of Myanmar from the east; the economic viability of the
.city was undermined. The next period was characterized by the establishment of
smaller capitals of Lemyo Valley, resulting in the influx of population and
cultural influence from the east.80 Dvendra Candra, the founder of second
Wethali is said to have conquered the usual number of 10 kings and to have
built a city complete with walls and moat. The city can be identified as
Dhannya Vati (Sanskrit), Dannya Waddy (Burmese) where the archeological
evidence points to occupation in late 5th and early 6th centuries. Nothing is
mentioned of the capital shiftment to Vesali, which apparently took place at
the beginning of 6th century. The name Chandra Bandhu suggests that he was a re-unifier
of the country and he must have ruled in a period of confusion, which led to
the move, southwards. The threat of kingdoms emerging in Bengal and Assam
following the disintegration of Gupta Empire, and possibly a Sak invation in
the east, led to the transfer of the capital to Vesali further south at the
beginning of 6th century.81 After Dhrti Candra, the country passed a period of
instability, which again was maintained by Mohavira, a king of the same Candra
line and from the west perhaps connected with Candras in east Bengal. So here,
taking Sarkar's chronology we have our third Wethali: Sr: No. Name Duration
Regin 1 Mohavira A.D.600 – 612 2 Wiyazab A.D 612 – 624 3 Sevinran A.D. 624 –
636 4 Dharmma Sura A.D. 636 – 649 5 Wizziya Shakti A.D. 649 – 665 6 Dharmma
Vizaya A.D. 665 – 701 7 Narindra Vizaya A.D. 701 – 704 8 Dharmma Sandra A.D.
704 -720 9 Ananda Candra A.D. 720 When we study Shitthaung Pillar (also called
Ananda Sandra Stone Monument, because it was erected and inscribed by King
Ananda Sandra), we find on the east face of the inscriptions, some
descriptions, which are assumed to have taken place before sixth century A.D.
The inscriptions on the west face are postulated to have written in 729 A.D.
North face of the monument is in early Bengali script and is estimated to have
written in 10th century. [So here those Arakanese chronicles, which show the
end of Candras at early 9th century, is found to be incorrect.] First dynasty
have 15 kings, some of them are unreadable. The second dynasty had 13 kings and
the third had from Mohavira to Sulatiang Sandra, 18 kings. The Candra line of
kings established their reign first at Dannya Waddy and then in Wethali. U San
Tha Aung says Arakanese chronicle denotes Candra kings ruled Arakan from 8th to
10th centuries. There were successive kings. That succession ceased in 957.82
(This very year a Mro chief, Amarathu, came to power in Arakan. First he makes
a capital in Mrauk-U. Then his successor Paipru, attacked by the Shans, fled to
Thabaik Taung).83 That 957 was a landmark in Arakan history. Morris Collis
Says, it was the beginning of Rakhine (Burman) domination. After making a
thorough study of coins, chronicles and ruins of the city, M Collis reached a
conclusion that Wethali (Vesali), the Arakanese capital must be regarded not an
early Burmese but a late Hindu State.84 On the north face of the Shitthaung
Pillar, there exists the list of the kings who ruled at Vesali from about 788
-1050 A.D.85 But we also learned a Mru Chieftain gained sovereignty of Arakan
in 957. Hence there were parallel reigns of Chandras and the others (Mru, Sak
and Burman), which we will discuss, in next chapters in detail. Note: The
researches of Pamela Gutman say, “in so called Wethali the Candra ruled of
course. But the capital was first Dannya Vati and only at the beginning of 6th
century, it was shifted to Wethali, further south. The last lineage of kings
from Candra family from 788 to 1050 A.D. as seen in Rakhine chronicles is as
follows: Sr: No. Name Time of Reiqn 1 Moha Taing Candra A.D. 788 – 810 2 Suria
Taing Candra A.D. 810- 3 Maula TaingCandra 4 Paula Taing Candra 5 Kala Taing
Candra 6 Tula Taing Candra 7 Thiri Taing Candra 8 Seingha Taing Candra A.D. 935
– 951 9 Sula Taing Candra A.D. 951– 957 86 The next kings of Sandra lineage
after Sula Taing Sandra are not recorded in Rakhine chronicles but found on the
north face of Shitthaung Pillar. Maha Taing Candra of this lineage restored the
Mohamuni as a royal shrine.87 They renovated it many times. Pamela says the
historicity of Chandra dynasty is confirmed by the coins issued by the 4th king
to 13th king of second Wethali and the two routine inscriptions. The
inscriptions state that 16 kings ruled for 230 years where three short-lived
kings were excluded in the list.88 Their rule lasted from A.D. 370 to A.D. 600.
Still Mohavira dynasty from A.D. 600 to 720, Bala Candra dynasty and Maha Taing
Candra dynasty are also related to the Candras. The capital of these dynasties
was Wethali. There was a period of confusion after Ananda Candra who got the
throne in A.D. 720, and before the reestablishing the dynasty by Maha Taing
Candra in 788 A.D. In a way Maha Taing Candra is the retainer of Candra dynasty
in Arakan though there were attacks from many sides. The cult of Saivism and
Buddhist Tantricism gained royal patronage during the Chandra Rule (788-957
A.D.) in Arakan-Chittagong region. The discovery of Tantrik sculpture in
Wethali (Capital of Chandras) shows that, besides Mahayanism, Buddhist
Tantricism also gained footing in the kingdom of Chandras.89 The rule of
Chandras (788 -957 A.D.) in Arakan-Chittagong region bear witness of the
overflow of Saivism and Tantricism. Noticing this Sir Arthur Phayre remarks:
From coins still existing and which are attributed to the kings of the dynasty
coupled with obscure references to their acts in the chronicles of Arakan. In
the chronicles of Arakan it appears probable that they (The Chandra kings) held
Brahmanical doctrine.90 The 11th century, however, saw the increasing influence
of Burma proper and the gradual adoption of Theravada. However the later
culture of Arakan and indeed of Burma proper was to retain many of the
political and religious institutions evolved at Dannya Waddy and Vesali.91 So
far the Bala Chandra dynasty of U Hla Tun Pru (A.D. 686 – 718) is not found in
the narration of U San Tha Aung.Pamela Gutman,too, does not describe the name
of Bala Chandra.Nevertheless the chronicles of India and Bengal go into much
details of Bala Chandra. The literary, epigraphic and numismatic sources give
evidence of some dynasties of same surnames in Arakan. The Shitthaung Temple
Pillar inscriptions supply a long list of Chandra rulers 92 reigning for more
than five hundred years in Arakan and its adjoining areas. The first king of
this lineage was Bala Chandra who was also the founder of the dynasty. This
king Bala Chandra seems identical with king Bala Chandra in Thanarath’s
history. The Shitthaung Temple inscription doesn’t specifically mention the
territorial jurisdiction of the kings who reigned several hundred years earlier
than the time of engravement of the inscription. Tharanath’s history states
that king Bala Chandra was driven out of his ancestral kingdom. He established
a new kingdom in Bengal. It might be that one of his successors conquered
Arakan and established an administrative headquarter there.93 Here Pamela says,
the Ananda Candra’s Prasasti even implies that a king from across the Naf River
ruled Vesali between 600 and 612 A.D. He might be Mohavira (The so called
founder of Wethali) because his capital was said to be on Parapura on Naf. Here
again Mohavira, the first king of third Wethali in A.D. 600-612 was named as
king of Purempura, which by adjusting with Ptolemy’s record, localized on
Pruma, on the Arakanese bank of Naf River. It was, according to Ptolemy, a
commercial center at that time. It is likely that a ruler of this area with its
economy based mainly on maritime trade would seek to extend his territory to
rich alluvial plains of Arakan when opportunity allowed.94 The inscription
implies Candra dynasty collapsed in 600 A.D. Conditions were confused in Arakan
with the rule reverting partly to indigenous kings. But Mohavira (A.D. 600)
founded his kingships some where in the west (perhaps on Naf River) and
contracted the whole kingdom of Vesali, but the dynasty again collapsed in late
8th century, which was reintegrated by Maha Taing Candra. It is difficult to
give a correct picture of the political condition of Chittagong at the time of
Muslim invasion in western and northern Bengal. According to Tharanath’s
evidence a king named Babla Sandra was the king of Chittagong and Tripura,
sometime after the fall of Maghadha at the hands of Turks. It further says that
his first son was the king of Arakan.95 According to Tharanath, a Buddhist
dynasty ruled in Bengal before the Palas. Their names end in Chandra. He
(Tharanath) writes: in the east, Vimla Chandra (Bala Chandra) extended his
power to Tirhat and Kamarupa. At this tirpe the elder son of king Harsha ruled
Maghadha. But in Shitthaung inscription king Bala Chandra is said to be the
first king of the Shri Dharma Rajanuia Vamsa. Scholars express the opinion that
King Bala Chandra of Shitthaung Temple inscription is identical with King Bala
Chandra of Tharanath narration. According to Mr. Hirananda Shastri, the
inscription is written in characters resembling those of the late Gupta
Script.96 Shri Jogendra Chandra Gosh tentatively puts the date of king Bala
Chandra of inscription “sometime between 647 A.D. and 833 A.D.97 This roughly corresponds
to the date of king Bala Chandra of Taranath’s narration. All these evidences
and opinions naturally give an impression that king Bala Chandra of Taranath
narration and the king of the same name in Shitthaung Temple inscription were
identical person….,It is likely that king Bala Chandra Held both Eastern Bengal
and Arakan under his away and established his capital at Chittagong, which held
central position in (his) empire.98 The cultural history of this period was
largely the outcome of multifarious political influence on the country.99 The
first principle task of kings at Dannyavati and Wethali was making arrangements
for water supply. The king’s secondary role was that of protector of the people
in the four quarters of the country of Arakan against the inroads of hill
tribes and occasional foreign invaders.100 In regard of culture, Pamela writes:
the early inscription on an image of Mahamuni Shrine is in the script used by
the Guptas in central India in the second half of the 5th century.While certain
central Indian characteristics are retained in the first half of the 6th
century,notably in the two Prasasti on the east face of Shitthaung Pillar and
the reverse of Suria Image, the form generally belong to the script used in
Bengal and Assam during that period – The remaining epigraph, the north face of
the Shitthaung Pillar, is again in a script derived from East Bengal in the mid
10th century. Maha Taing Candra is said to have rebuilt Veasali on the side of
an older capital and late 8th century sculptures found there, confirm this. The
great hero of the dynasty Sula Taing Candra is said to have sent an expedition
to Chittagong in 953 A.D., when the Candras dynasty of southeast Bengal was
gaining power and prestige under Sri Caildra.101 Soon after his return he set
out for either China or Tagaung suggesting a threat from Ta-Li. After his
failure to return, his queen, Chandra Devi, married two Mro tribesmen in
succession, indicating that the hill tribes were becoming urbanized and were
taking advantage of the confused state of the country. Vesali was abandoned,
the country invaded by Shan and Pyus, while the Mons of Pegu occupied the south
for eighteen years. A new capital was eventually established at Pyinsa (Panca)
with the aid of the Sak (Thet). From around the beginning of the 11th century,
Arakan became increasingly Burmanized as can be noticed in the frequent use of
Burmese names and titles in the king list of chronicles and the name of
Arakanese in the inscription in Pagan.102 The situation is reflected in the
archeological remains at Vesali, which show a gradual limiting of Indian
influence to the northeast, particularly to Bengal, and an increasing contact
with central Burma. Arakanese chronicles say historians count Wethali period up
to 1018 A.D., the end of Mro reign in Arakan. From there the Arakan history
proper (or) Lemyo age began. The last king of Mro (some say Sak) age was Ngamin
Ngadon 994-1018 A.D. who was attacked and killed by eastern Mongolian (Burman)
and was succeeded by Kettathin, who shifted the capital to Pyinsa. His
descendants ruled Arakan for next century.103 Concerning about the expedition
of Cula Taing Candra to Chittagong, there is a legend in Arakanese chronicles.
The most reputed and eminent historian as well as politician of Arakan, U Hla
Tun Pru says, the 9th king of Vesali (of Moha Taing Candra’s lineage) Cula
Taing Candra in 953 invaded the Thuratan of Bengal; the Thuratan sought to
appease his anger by sending him a Princess and a tribute in money. His nobles
advised him not to make war with a king who acknowledged his sovereignty. Not
to make war means in Burmese “Sitmataik-gong” which later changed into
Sittaikgong or Chittagong. He returned without making war. From that time
onward the town acquired the name “Sitmathaikgong” which later shortened to
Chittagong.104 But latest researches of eminent historians say Cula Taing
Candra was in the lineage of Candra family. His culture and language was
Indian. His language was not Burmese. Then how can the name of Chittagong take
root from Burmese word “Sitmathaikgong” as is described in Arakanese
chronicles. Probability of his (Cula Taing Candra’s) speaking Burmese is very
faint. Whatsoever Pamela Gutman says, the mid 11th century was a period of
great stress in the country; the dynasty was under pressure from Pagan, where
Anawrattha (B.C. 1044 – 77) was attempting to unite Burma for the first time.
Both Burmese and Arakanese chronicles refer to his incursion into Arakan, which
seem, however, to have eventually retain semiautonomous status. In the west,
Candra dynasty of southeast Bengal had fallen, or was about to fall, threatened
by the Varmans and the Palas. The Cola raid into Bengal in A.D. 1013 – 23 had
also no doubt weakened the Candras; the great Cola raid of Southeast Asian
ports in 1025, although apparently not actually included Arakan, would have
disrupted her important sea routes.105 By the mid 11th century, the economy was
weakened after the Cola raids and a temporary decline in the power of Srivizia
in east Bengal, and control of the kaladan valley was threaten by raids from
wild tribes and Pala expansion to the East Bengal. The capital (in Arakan) was
moved to the east to the Lemyo valley and central Burma dominated Arakan
history for the next three hundred years. 106 Here we have seen that up to
early 11th century Arakan was politically, culturally connected with India,
where as its relation with Burma was deepened from mid 11th century. So there
was indeed a transformation politically and culturally. Thus a systematic study
of this transitional period and its phenomena are essential to understand
Arakan history from its correct angle. CHAPTER IV THE TRANSITIONAL PERIOD The
more deeply we study the history of Arakan the clearer we will see, there was
great political and cultural change in 11th century. The latest research of Dr.
Pamela Gutman will enlighten us better on this subject. Frankly to admit, the
writer of this treatise is much attracted to study history of Arakan by reading
her thesis on ancient Arakan. Thanks to Major Tun Kyaw Oo (Rtd.) an Arakanese,
who provided me a copy of her thesis, to study for a long period. First of all,
let us see what the Rakhine chroniclers say,“The evaluation of Arakan History
Vol.I”(Rakhine Pyi Phyitsin Thamine Vol. I) Published by Rakhine State Council
in 1984, comments on the destruction of Wethali. It says official excavation of
the old Wethali ruins is not completed yet. So the earth doesn’t testify how it
(Wethali) ruined. We can only say the following, basing our opinion on the
Rakhine Chronicles. Sula Candra, the last king of (third) Wethali perished at
Cape Nagerais on his return from Tagaung journey where he lived for three
years. This time three Mros (father and sons) got the throne and ruled
successively. They erected a Palace at Kettare Taung in Mrauk-U. They also made
Sandra Devi, the queen of late Sula Candra, their queen, perhaps for the
legitimacy of their succession. But these father and sons were not united. Pyu
from the east invaded. King Paipru repels them in 976 AD. (U Hla Tun Pru says,
Paipru is the nephew of Amarathu, the first Mro king.(Arakan chronicles
indicated the dates always 200 years ahead of other chronicles). Then in A.D.
978 the Shan (Mongolian) invaded again. Paipru was overpowered and could not resist.
Finally he had to flee to upper Yo Chaung where he died one year later. The
Shan destroyed the city, looted its valuable belongings including the
jewelleries from the Mahamuni Temple, and return after 18 years. They took away
a lot of inhabitants as captives from Ramree Island too. This time Sandoway was
under the rule of Mons, for decades. In this period of chaos, the Sak in the
north grew in strength. A Sak leader Ngamin Ngadon107 (Arakanese chronicle say
Sula Sandra’s son), got the throne. He shifted the capital to Sambowet, not
very far away from old Wethali. The chronicle say Ngamin Ngadon was brought up
in the midst of Sak as his father died before. But in 818 (Arakan chronicle),
1018 A.D. (Western chronicles) he was attacked from the east. Pagan king Khin
Saw Hnit invaded him for the second time. He was killed in the hands of Eastern
people (Burman) by conspiracy. Kettathin a half brother108 of Ngamin Ngadon (U
Hla Tun Pru says, grand nephew of Sula Candra) got the throne or enthroned. He
shifted the capital to Pyinsa. So, Kettathin’s getting throne in 1018 A.D. is
marked by historians as the end of Mro age and counted it as the beginning of
Lemyo period.109 U Hla Tun Pru says Ngamin Ngadon fell in the wan with the king
of Pagan. Kettathin became king. Arakan nevertheless kept her independence.
Kettathin set up a new capital at Pyinsa. After his death his descendants ruled
Arakan for next centuries.110 Here we find that Sula Candra was of Candra
family, and Candra’s names sound Indian where as the name of Kettathin and all
his successors sound Burmese. Further it is not logical that the invading
Burman would enthrone a family member of Ngamin Ngadon whom they killed to get
the sovereignty of the country. Further if Ngamin Ngadon were the son of Sula Taing
Sandra as said in Rakhine chronicles, he would have been brought up by the Mru,
not by the Sak, because Sula Taing Sandra’s widow queen Chandra Devi married
the Mru, not the Sak. In this regard Pamela Gutman says, during the Pagan
dynasty, the pioneers of invading Burman, the Rakhuin must have been pushing
over the passes into the north Arakan. It was the giant king really one of the
pioneer Burman, who had made himself king of the Sak.111 Pamela further clears
that the mid 11th century was again a period of great stress in the country and
the dynasty (Candra dynasty) was under pressure from Pagan, when Anuruddha
(B.C. 1044 – 77) was attempting to unite Burma for the first time. Both Burmese
and Arakanese chronicles refer to his incursions into Arakan, which seems,
however, to have eventually retained semi-autonomous status. In the west Candra
dynasty of southeast Bengal had fallen, or about to fall———- and it would have
disrupted her (Wethali’s) important sea trade.112 It is difficult to say when
they (the Sak) began to cross the Yoma, although their infiltration to Arakan
had certainly began before the arrival of Burman Rukhuin, as considerable
fighting is recorded between the two groups. 113 Another point of Kettathin’s
not being from Sula Candra’s family can be assumed from Pamela Gutman’s
research. She says, the north face of Shitthaung Pillar may therefore have been
written by a king who traced his line, if not to the old Candra kings, at least
to the family which gained power around the end of 8th century; reestablishing
\/esali as the capital and barely managing to survive the tumultuous events of
two centuries. The king could have been a legitimate memberof the old family,
attempting to counter acts from the old city, the influence of puppet kings
owing their allegiance to Pagan and ruling in the new capital of Pyinsa. The
Prasasti is a cry for help from the old capital and it was the last gasp of an
Indianized line and the last Sanskrit inscription in Burma.114 Here we can see
parallel reign in Wethali, with Pyinsa. If the king of Wethali then is from the
family of Candra, how can his rival in Pyinsa be of the same family too? So
Kettathin being Sula Candra’s nephew is postulated to be a negation. About the
transitional period Pamela writes: From the 9th century A.D. the Mranma must
have been infiltrating over the Yoma, where they eventually gained control of
low lands and became Rakhaing king of northern Arakan. The Rakhine invasion of
Arakan coincides with the first appearance of Candra in Bengal, whose
connection with Arakan have often been postulated, but never proved. The Candra
dynasty, according to the inscriptions of its kings is said to have originated
in Ruhitagiri Bhujamvamsa, “the family ruling of the red mounlainers”. Today
the hills around Vesali are red and, it is likely the “Rohitagiri Bhujam-vamsa”
could be euphemism for the Arakanese Candras, unwilling to admit the defttat by
the Rakhine in their Bengal scription.115 Pamela remarks, perhaps it was the
result of Burman invasion into central plain, that Arakan suffered another Sak
invasion or uprising in the 10th century. The Rakhines were the last
significant group to come to Arakan……. In old Burmese the name Rakhine First
appeared in slave names in the inscriptions of 12th century.116 [Here Dr. S. B.
Kunango, a Bengali researcher said the name Rakhine was given by Burman and it
was found in 12th to 15th century Stone inscriptions of Tuparon, Sagaing] The
date of their arrival is contentious or controversial. Their chronicles
exaggerated the antiquity of their hold on the low land. Both culturally and
linguistically the Rakhine are closely related to the Burman. The transition
from Indian to Burman, from Wethali to Lemyo, is of course a phenomenon all
students of Arakan history accept. U San Shwe Bu, an archeological officer and
writer, said the proper history of Arakan began from 957 A.D. (See into the
Hidden Burma by M. Collis). U Hla Tun Pru said for Arakanese and Burmese have
affinities of blood, language and alliance between them indeed.117 A more
extensive and clearer opinion is given by Dr. U Aye Chan, who himself is an
Arakanese. He highlights the point of transition in a Rakhine Tasaung
Magazine.118 He writes the Marayu and Dannya Waddy dynasties so described in
Rakhine chronicles dated back 2666 B.C. The fact that these dynasties really
existed is not certain. At least the dates of those dynasties described in
Rakhine chronicles are short of accuracy. However, in the light of Sanskrit
inscriptions found in Arakan, we can say, there certainly was a dynasty of
Sandra kings from not later than 3rd century A.D. Buddhism flourished there and
culturally and literarily they were quite advanced. The north face of
Shitthaung Pillar was in Sanskrit with Nagari letters. It’s reading indicates
it was written in 10th century A.D. It is further true before Mrauk-U age
writing language of Arakan was Sanskrit with Nagairi characters. During the
early period not a single inscription, in our present day speaking Rakhine
language was found. Vesali was overwhelmed by north Indian culture, which was
proved by coins, and inscriptions found there. A stone inscription found in
Ngalung village, Sandoway was in Sanskrit, written in 8th century. It was a
record in memory of a charity, dedicated to their parents, by two laymen Mega
and Thanama Danma. Here it is proved that not only the ruling class but also
the public used this Sanskrit. We can imagine here how great was the cultural
link between Arakan and north India. We find inscriptions in our present day Rakhine
language only during the period from 11th to 15th century. For example,
Dasaraza Stone inscription. This is why we can draw a conclusion that there was
a transition from wethali to Lemyo period. Lemyo period in Arakan is
contemporary to Pagan period in Burma. In the 9th century when the Pyu are in
disarray, Myanmar entered the Irrawaddy valley. It is the time when Nan Shans
were attacking (the kingdoms in Burma), the Tibeto-Burman infiltrated into
Burma and some of them did enter into Arakan, too. Due to continuous
infiltration and incursions of Burmans, Vesali collapsed. Indeed there was a
great cultural and political change in Arakan in the mid 10th century. 119 This
is the version of Dr. Aye Chan in regard of ancient Arakan history. So there
was a transition indeed. This transition was from Indian to Burman. Though the
kings were dethroned or fled to somewhere, their subjects, the Indian or
Bengali people remained in Arakan, where their descendants are still found
amidst the Burmese (the Rakhines). These are Rohingyas. CHAPTER V WETHALI
DYNASTY IN EAST BENGAL Candra kings had been ruling in Arakan since the early
Christian era. Dr. S. B. Kanungo of Chittagong University says there was a
dynasty of the same name in east Bengal before the Pala invasion of 10th
century. He says the lineage of kings surnamed Chandra (Candra/Sandra) ruling
East Bengal and its adjoining territories need specific atte.ntion as their
seat of administration is stated to be Chittagong. He says incidentally we
carne across another lineage of kings’ surnamed Chandra in the Shitthaung
Temple inscription of Arakan. According to the chronological table, king Bala
Chandra is said to be the first king of the Shri Dharma Rajanuia Vamsa.
Scholars express opinions that king Bala Chandra of Shitthaung Temple
inscription is identical with king Bala Chandra of Tharanath’s narration. Many
other evidences and opinions naturally give an impression that king Bala
Chandra of Tharanath’s narration and the king of same name in Shitthaung Temple
inscription (in Arakar) were identical person……… It is likely that king. Bala
Chandra held both East Bengal and Arakan under his sway and established his
capital at Chittagong, which held central position in the empire.120 The
Shitthaung Temple inscription does not specifically mention the territorial
jurisdiction of the kings who reigned several hundred years earlier the time of
engravement of the inscription. Tharanath’s history states that the Bala
Chandra was driven out of his ancestral kingdom. He established a new kingdom
in Bengal. It might be that one of his successor conquered Arakan and establish
his administration there. The Chandras of both Arakan and Eastern Bengal belong
to the same period and both lines were Buddhists in faith; but they patronized Saivism,
Trantricism, Vaissnavism and even Brahmanism. Monarchs of both lines used
either Nagari (Sanskrit) or the scripts belong to the eastern group, in their
coins and inscriptions. The design of coins issued by both these lines has much
striking similarities, that one may confuse the coins of one country with those
of the other. But there is no evidence to prove that the two royal families
were related to each other. The inscriptm of Eastern Bengal have no reference
to Arakan and the inscriptions of Chandra of Arakal in their turn have a very
faint reference to their counterpart of East Bengal. Modern scholars, however,
have endeavored to establish some sort of connection between the Chandra ruler
of Vesali and those of Eastern Bengal.121 The first half of 11th century was a
period of catastrophe for the two dynasties. In Eastern Bengal the Chandra
dynasty was reduced to submission by Rajendrachola, a ruler of the Deccan. The
Chandra dynasty of Arakan was overthrown by Pagan ruler of Burma.122 Here the genealogical
link of present day people of Arakan with those of Chandra period is a matter
of interest and further research. CHAPTER VI THE LEMYO PERIOD Rakhine
chronicles say the last king of Candra dynasty Sula Taing Candra died in a
disaster at Cape Nagerais on his return journey from Taguang in 957 A.D. A Mro
chief of Mraw Chaung Amarathu became the king. He married Candra Devi the queen
of Sula Candra. Arakan chronicles say he passed the test of Candra Devi, with a
magic ring, which was kept with her by king Sula Candra, to test a man to
succeed him, in case of his death on his Tagaung journey. Amarathu was
succeeded by his nephew Paipru. Towards the end of 10th century the Pyu king of
Prome invaded the kingdom, but was unable to bring his army across the Yoma
mountains, and a few years later the capital was removed to Kyethre Taung, in
Mrauk-U. In 976 A.D. A Shan prince conquered the country. Paipru was
overpowered. He fled to Thabeik Taung on the 17th year of his reign. He died
there after one year. The Shans occupied Arakan for 18 years. They looted the
country, stripped off the Mahamuni its gems. On their return after 18 years,
they took away a lot of inhabitants from Ramree as captives. At the meantime
southern Arakan (Sandoway) was under Mon occupation. During this time, the Sak
in Saing Daing region in the north mobilized themselves and grew in strength.
In 994, Sak leader Ngamin Ngadon became King. He removed the capital to Sambwet
on Lemyo River. He could repel an invasion by the Burman. He reigned about 24
years. But during a second invasion by the king of Pagan he was killed. He was
succeeded by Kettathin in 1018 A.D. He established his capital at Pyinsa. 123
Rakhine chronicles say Kettathin was a cousin of Ngamin, Ngadon and Grand
Nephew of Sula Sandra. [Here, the cause of Burmese invasions was to make a King
of their own not to enthrone a clan's man of Ngamin Ngadon whom they killed to
gain the sovereignty of the land. So Kettathin's being related to either Ngamin
Ngadon or to Sula Sandra is a controversial issue, which needs correct
research]. The cause of Burmese invasion was not to enthrone a Klansman of
Ngamin Ngadon, but to make a Burmese king. The last date of Candra dynasty was
957 A.D. Then the Mro age began from 957 and ended in 1018 A.D. Here is the
beginning of Lemyo age. According to U San Shwe Bu, the proper history of
Rakhine began from there and it lasted for 800 years. 124 From around the
beginning of 11th century Arakan became increasingly Burmanized as can be
noticed in the frequent use of Burmese names and titles, in the king lists of
the chronicles and the names of Arakanese in the inscriptions of Pagan. The
situation reflected in the archeological remains of Vesali, which showed a
gradual limiting of Indian influence to the northwest, particularly to Bengal
and increasing contact with central Burma.125 Lemyo period began from early
11th century with its capital at Pyinsa (Panca) on Lemyo River in central
Arakan. In the words of Sir Arthur Phayre, Kettathin reigned for ten years and
succeeded by his brother Sindathin in 1028 A.D. Sindathin and four of his
descendants reigned in succession. In the reign of the fifth, Minpyagyi, a
noble usurped the throne; another noble deposed him. But in the year 1051, the
son of Minpyagyi, Minnanthu ascended the throne, reigned (for) five years, the
third in descend from him, named Mindu was slained by a rebellious noble named
Thin Kaya who usurped the throne in the year 1078 A.D. The heir apparent
Min-re-bya escaped to the court of Kyansittha, king of Pagan. The usurper
reigned for fourteen years, his son Min Than succeeded him in 1092 A.D. and
reigned eight years; on his death his son Minpadi ascended the throne. During
this period, the rightful heir to the throne, Min-re-bya was residing unnoticed
at Pagan: he had married his own sister Su Pauk Ngyo and there born a son named
Letya Min Nan. The exiled king died without being able to procure assistance
from Pagan court for the recovery of his throne. At length the king of that
country, Alaung Sithu, the grandson of Kyan Sittha, sent an army of 100,000 Pyu
and 100,000 Talaings to place Letya Minnan upon the throne. This army marched
in the year 1102 A.D. and after one repulse, the usurper Minpadi was slain and
Letya Minnan was restored to the throne of his ancestors. A Burmese inscription
of Stone discovered at Buddhagaya serves to confirm the account given in the
history of restoration of Letya Minnan or as he is called in the Stone
inscription, Pyu-Ta-Thein-Min i.e. lord of a hundred thousand Pyus. It is
evident, from the tenor both of history and inscription, that the Arakan Prince
was regarded as a dependant of Pagan king to whom he had, from his birth, been
a supplicant for aid; in return for the assistance granted him for the recovery
of his grandfather’s throne, he was to aid in rebuilding the temple of
Buddhagaya, in the name of Pagan sovereign. The royal capital was established
at Launggyat, but that site proving unhealthy; Parin was established in the
year 1106 A.D. Four kings followed in quick succession, after whom Gauliya
ascended the throne in 1153 AD. He is described as a prince of great power, to
whom the king of Bengal, pegu, Pagan and Siam did homage; but his chief claim
to distinction lies in his having built the Temple Mahathi,a few miles south of
present town of Arakan, (Mrauk-U). The idol, in which was in-sanctity, inferior
only to that of Mahamuni. He was succeeded by his son Dasaraja, who upheld his
father’s name, and repaired Mahamuni Temple, which was partially destroyed by
Pyu in the time of Letya Minnan. In 1165 he was succeeded by his son Anan
Thiri. Due to his cruel rule, a general uprising occurred; he was deposed and
killed, and his younger brother Min Punsa reigned in his stead. In the year
1167 A.D. this prince established his capital at Chrit on the Lemyo River.
There was a Shan invasion but not successful. He died after 7 years of
prosperous reign. In the reign of his grandson Gama-Yu-Ban a noble named Salin
Kabo usurped the throne, but proving oppressive, was murdered in the first year
of his usurpation. Midzu Thin, the younger brother of Gamayuba was now raised
to the throne. He removed the capital to Pyinsa (for the second time), close to
the present town of Arakan. Arakan struck coins in this time. This Prince was
surnamed Taing Chit or country beloved. With characteristic extravagance he is
said to have reigged over the Burmese dominions and a great part of India as
far as the river Naraingana and to the borders of Nepal. The succeeding 10
kings passed like shadows, without anything writing of notice except their
short reign. The last of these kings was deposed and his son Letyagyi ascended
the throne in 1210 A.D. and he was succeeded by Alanmapru in 1237 A.D. and
removed the capital to launggyet. [This Launggyet dynasty lasted until 1406
AD.]. Launggyet Dynasty King Alanmapru made war upon pagan sovereign and
received tribute from the king of Bengal. He died after a reign of six years.
His son Razathugyi succeeded him. [Here Rakhine chronicle (Rakhine Razwin Thit
Vol II P-342) says in A.D.1128 Chittagong revolted against Arakan, which was
suppressed, but again in A.D.1246, there broke a rebellion; Rakhine repulsed it
and marched up to Lakchipur and they brought 47,500 captives to Arakan. This
chronicle of Rakhine highlights the point that there was Bengali or Muslim
population in Arakan even before the founding of Mrauk-U dynasty in 1430.] In
the reign of Razathugyi, the Talaing invaded the southern portion of the
kingdom, but were repulsed by Arakanese general Ananthugyi. Nothing worthy of
notice occurs until the reign of Nan Kyagyi who ascended the throne in 1268
A.D. This king oppressed the people with heavy taxes, and levied contribution
of goods, which he stored up in his palace. By various act of tyranny he
incurred the hatred of many influential men; and even the priest whose religion
forbids them to notice worldly affairs are represented as inimical to
him.Eventually he was killed in the fourth year of his reign and was succeeded
by his son Minbilu, who married the daughter of the Sithabin, or commander of
bodyguard, the conspirator against the former sovereign. This prince is
described as being, if possible, moce hateful than his father. Being jealous to
the supposed, high destines of his infant son, Mindi, ordered him to be cast
into the river, but the child was miraculously preserved, rescued by fishermen,
and was sent to a remote part of the kingdom. These and other similar acts
inflaming the mind of the people against the king, he was slain in a conspiracy
headed by the Si-Thu-Bin, the king maker, now usurped the throne, out was
himself killed in the third year of his reign. The son of Minbilu, named Mindi,
was then raised to the throne, but he was only seven years of age. [A.D. 12th
century was an unstable period, usurpers ruled amidst chaos. The public was
very much frustrated. Harvey says about this period: settled government was the
exception. In the middle of XII century even the famous Mahamuni Image could
not be found for it had been overgrown with jungle in the prevailing
anarchy.The Burmese under Pagan dynasty (1044 - 1287) successfully established
their sovereignty over north Arakan, but not over the south, and even in the
north the kings merely sent propittatory tribute and continued to be hereditary
kings not governors appointed by Pagan, Here Pamela Gutman also said king
Dasaraza 1135-1165 A.D. had repaired Mahamuni Temple which was partially
destroyed by the Pyu army of Letyaminnan and was remained neglected. The king
had to seek the help of the Mrus to find out the Mahamuni, which was then
covered by dense forest]. King Mindi gave general satisfaction, and enjoyed a
long and prosperous reign. In the year 1294 A.D. the Shans invaded the kingdom
but were repulsed. The king of Thuratan or Eastern Bengal named Nga-pu-kin
(Bahadur Khan) courted his alliance and sent presents of elephants and horses.
In pursuance to get rid of attacks, from various sites by the Shans, the
Burman, the Talaing, and theThet: he personally marched in person in the year
1312 A.D. to repel the Talaing in Sandoway. His uncle Uza-na gyi was sent with
an army to attack Pagan. Salingathu, his brother-in-law, advanced into Pegu,
and the general Raza Thirigyan was sent against the Thet tribes. The city of
pagan was taken, the Talaing were overawed and the expedition against the Thet,
after being once repulsed was eventually crowned with success. After this the
general Razathingyan subdued the country along the seacoast as far as
Brahmaputra River. In the year 1327 A.D. the Pagan sovereign made an attack
upon the island of Ramree and carried away a number of the inhabitants who were
planted upon the Manipur frontier. After this the Sandoway viceroy having
gained possession of a relic of Gautama brought from Ceylpn, by virtue of which
he expected to obtain sovereignty rose in rebellion, but was finally reduced to
obedience. Soon after this, Mindi died, after a reign of 106 years at the age
of 113. Nothing worthy of notice occurred until 1394 A.D., when the reigning
sovereign marched to attack the Pagan Empire, the capital of which was
established at Ava. During his absence the Governor of Sandoway revolted, and
seizing the boats, which had conveyed the king’s army along the seacoast, and
were now left on the shore for his return, made the best of his way to Laung
Kyet the capital, where he setup king, the king’s infant son, Razathu. The king
returned without delay, but his army deserting him he was slain and his son was
proclaimed King. The Sitha-bin as the rebellious governor was called, not long
after sent the young king to the southern extremity of the kingdom and governed
in his name. But becoming unpopular, he was after two years deposed and killed
by a noble named Myin Saing-Gyi who in his turn became disliked and had to fly
to the Burmese dominions when the lawful king Razathu was restored. He was
succeeded by his younger brother, Thinga- Thu. This prince after a reign of
three years was murdered by the chief priest of the country in a monastery,
with the connivance of his nephew, Min Saw Man; who then succeeded to the
throne in the year 1404 A.D. Worn out by his cruelties the people rose against
him and called in the aid of Min Shwe, a king of Ava who dispatched a force of
30,000 men under the command of his son. Min Saw Mun fled to Bengal, found
refuge with the ruler of Thuratan, who, being engaged in war himself, could
render no assistance. Arakanese chronicles states that when Min Saw Mun was in
Bengal the king of Delhi came to attack the chief or king of Thuratan who was
greatly assisted by the fugitive; this most probably refers to the invasion of
Bengal by Sultan Ibrahim of Joanpur.126 In the absence of Arakan king, Min Saw
Mun, there was rivalry between the Burmese and Talaing to control Arakan. R. B.
Smart comments the king of Ava had no intension of resigning his grasp on
Arakan, whilst the Arakanese had no intension of allowing them (the Burmans) to
remain in possession of the country. Aided by the Talaing who formerly occupied
Arakan made constant endeavor to drive out the Burman. Attack and counter
attack continued for more than a decade. Yet Arakanese did not get the grasp of
their country. Thus Rakhine sovereignty in Laungkyet came into an end. Note:
The chronological list of Kings during Lemyo period is not included here.
CHAPTER VII EARLY MUSLIM CONTACTS WITH ARAKAN Before passing to the period of
Mrauk-U, the most shining one, in Arakan history, let us first study how
Muslims got contact with Arakan in the early days. How Islam spread there. It
is a contentious subject for those vvho try to portray Muslims in Arakan as
aliens. I found a booklet named “Bengali in Arakan and their historical
problem”. It was a publication of Arakan Democratic Front, a registered
political party on the eve of 1990; parliamentary election. The publisher is U
Saw Maung. The booklet’s main objective is to portray Muslims in Arakan as
aliens or illegal immigrants from Bengal. That very book referring old Rakhine
chronicles says; Chittagong revolted in 1128 A.D. and Rakhine had suppressed
it; again it revolted in 1256 A.D. which too was suppressed by Rakhine: but
this time Rakhine occupied up to Lakchipur and brought 4,700 captives.127 Here
is the question; where are these captives or their descendants gone? Of course
these captives and their descendants assimilated in the general population of
Arakan. Most of them might be Muslims and had mixed up with Rohingya Muslims.
Arabs are the earliest people to travel to east by sea. Through the Arabs,
Islam spread across Thailand, Malaya and Indonesia. There are records that
these Arabs reached Arakan coast too. In this context R. B. Smart and many
other historians say: about 788 A.D. when Maha Taing Candra ascended the throne
of Wethali founded a new city on the site of old Rama Waddy and died after a
reign of 22 years. In his reign several ships were wrecked on Ramree Island and
the crews said to have been Mohammedans, were sent to Arakan proper and settled
in villages. [Arthur Phayre calls Akyab and part of Kyauk Pru district as
Arakan proper].128 The study of inscriptions of that period says the natives of
that time were Indo-Aryans or a people similar to that of Bengal. These natives
got the religion Islam from these ship wrecked Arabs. Today they are part and
parcel of Rohingya community in Arakan proper. This is why researchers’ remark
Muslim influence on the Arakanese society was not an outcome of some sudden
occurrences. It was the result of an age long intercourse between Arakan and
Muslim countries that dates back to the period of Arab contact with Arakan. Arakan
came into contact with Muslims as early as the ninth century. Arakanese
chronicles give references to the Muslim settlement in Arakan during the reign
of Maha Taing Candra 788 – 810 A.D.129 Father Farnao Guerreiro, in the
beginning of 17th century observed: The moors ——-would always be garibos, that
is very submissive with no other desire but to live under his (king of
Arakan’s) protection.130 Niccolao Mannnucci, a Venetian traveler says Shah
Shujah during his stay in Arakan found many dwellers, Maghul and Pathans.
Muslims from lower Bengal contributed much to the ever-increasing Bengali
Muslims in the Arakanese kingdom. The Arakanese call Muslims Kalah. But Muslims
introduce themselves as Rohingyas 131 to others. Martin Smith a specialist on
Burmese history observes too; Muslims settled in Arakan since 9th century. Name
of places, rivers, and towns, such as Ramree, Akyab, Kaladan, Naf and
Kalapanzan were connected with Muslims.132 For about eight centuries they (the
Arabs) monopolize the trade between east and west. It is from 8th century and
it continued down to the coming of Europeans in the first quarter of sixteen
century. 133 Further Muslim Fakirs and Dervishes used to visit Arakanese coast,
one of widely known facts of this is the existence of Shrine called Badr Makam,
scattered along the coastline of Arakan ……..Muslim Saints and sailors happened
to land at the coast of Arakan as early as fourteen century.134 Arakanese
chronicles give reference to the travel of Muslim mystics in that country in Pagan
period. The chronicle referring to an accident during king Anawrattha’s Rule
(1044-1077 A.D.) states: When he (an attendant of the king) entered the forest,
he found a man possessed of mystic wisdom dead with the marks of violence upon
him.135 Dr. Kanungo said the event proved that not only Muslim merchants but
also Saints and Dervishes used frequently this port of coast of the Bay as
early as the 11th century. 136 The early Portuguese visitors saw the port of
Chittagong (then under Arakanese rule) crowded with Arab sails,
Duarte-de-Barbosa, Pyrard de Laval and many other European voyagers noticed
Arab merchants, staying in Chittagong on trade purposes.137 Chittagong and the
ports of Arakan have had close commercia! connections. D. G. E. Hall points
out, in the eastern sea they (the Portuguese) excelled the Moors (Arabs) in
both fighting and navigating their ships, and the ships themselves were in
every respect, superior to those of Arabs, which were built for sailing only
under favorable monsoon conditions.138 So in early 17th century the Portuguese
got control of the coast of Bengal- Arakan. Harvey remarks after 10th century
the country was professedly Buddhist, not withstanding the spread of
Mohammedanism, which by XIII century had dotted the coast from Assam to Malaya,
with the curious Mosques known as Badr Makan. Doubtless it is Mohammedan
influence, which led the women to being more secluded in Arakan than in
Burma.139 Moshe Yeagar an Israeli researcher states that, in addition from the
very beginning of Muslim commercial shipping activities in the Bay of Bengal,
the Muslim trade ships reached the ports of Arakan, just as they did the ports
of Burma proper. And as in Burma, in Arakan too, there is a long tradition of
old Indian settlement ——————– Bengal became Muslim in 1203 ………. in northern
Arakan close overland ties were founded with east Bengal. The resulting
cultural and political Muslim influence was of great significance in the
history of Arakan. Actually Arakan served to a large extent as a bridgehead for
Muslim penetration to other parts of Burma, although the Muslims never attained
the same degree of importance elsewhere as they did in Arakan.140 This fact is
recognized by Myanmar’s present government (SPDC Government), in its
publication of a book “Sasana Yaungwa Tunzepho”, concerning the evolution of
religions in Myanmar. It says Islam took root in Arakan since 8th century and
from there it spread into Burma proper. Further an eminent Myanmar historian
once the Chairman of Myanmar History Commission, Dr. Than Tun says, because of
north Arakan’s close overland ties with Bengal, Islam penetrated into this side
of border many centuries ago. Some Muslim Chieftains and warlords perhaps
shifted into Arakan at the aftermath of their political struggle, so as they
could settle down there. And perhaps the present day Rohingya in May Yu are
their descendants who claimed to be on that region at least for ten centuries.
He further remarks in 14th century Chindwin Valley inscriptions, there were
names of Muslim Chiefs and Muslim Kings who were in a very good relationship
with Ava kings.141 Dr.Than Tun based his opinion on the book “The Phases of old
Burma” by G.H.Luce, once a history piofossor ol Rangoon University. More
noteworthy is the narration of Dr.Khin Mauiig Nyunt, a prominent Burmese
historian. His narration is an answer to those who tend to deny Rohingya’s
deeply rooted ancestry in Arakan. He states the religion of Islam started from
Arabia since 7th century A.D. These Arabs reached to the eastern countries not
only for trades but also for the propagation of their religion. Because of
their preaching, Islam took root in eastern countries including Arakan. Next
the Portuguese marauders plundered the villages along the Bengal coast and
brought captives from there and sold them in Arakan. These captives included
many persons of high birth and good reputation and intellect in Arakan.
Rakhine, Arabs and Hindu households bought them for their household works. Most
of them were employed in Agricultural works by the Rakhine kings.142 Arabs led
the trade with eastern world from the beginning of early Christian era up to
16th century Westerners arrived in this region. (In some cases with help of the
Arabs) only after 16th century.143 These Arabs had established trade colonies
in Java, Sumatra, Malacca, Myanmar and Arakan.144 These Arabs had not only
established colonies but also founded their political dynasties, as the case in
East Bengal. These Arab colonies in Mrauk-U weie found even at the time of Shah
Shuja and king Sanda Thudama crisis in the 17th century. So Moshe Yegar remarks
during this (Shuja)case all foreigners and Muslim trading vessels were sent
away, so that they would not know what was happening (in Mrauk-U, the capital
of Arakan) Referring to Augustine Priest Sebastian Marique who was in Arakan
from 1629 to 1637. Moshe Yegar says, he saw these were Muslim Captives, Muslim
army units, Muslim trade colonies, and Muslims holding key position in the
Kingdom.145 Further, Muslims have their own legendries some are still in
records in book forms. There is the legend of one Arab History which conguered
a native queen Qy-yapun mainedher and settled in May Yu region making their
palace on Qy-yapuri Tonki. i.e. Minglagyi mountain now. There is another
legend. It is said a king called Amir Hamzah in Gaulangi area, northern portion
of Pruma River, was reputed for his just rule. He tried to expand his borders
by fighting with kings in Wethali. But this legend did not say that he ruled or
conquered Wethali.146 Next the Shrine of a Saints, Babagyi at Ambary village,
Akyab and many others along the coast including the famous Badr Mukan bear
conclusive evidences of early Muslim settlement in Arakan D G E Hall once a
Professor of department of Histmy in Rangoon University says, in the reign of
Anawratlha. Pagan asserted its authority over Arakan, but after 1287 this
lapsed, although Narameikhla established Mrohong (Dynasty) in 1433, there were
from time to time Burmese and Mon interferences. Arakan contacts with
Mohammedan India were probably closer than those with Burma. None of its river
uses in Burman and through out history its water communications with Bengal
were much easier than its overland communication with Burma ……… Mohammedanism
spread to Arakan but failed to make much impression on its Buddhism. Mrohong
had its Sandhi Khan Mosque and its king assumed Mohammedan titles but the
predominance of Buddhism was never shaken.147 Maurice Collis and San Shwe Bu
rightly says, Arakan being adjacent to Mohammedan Bengal, it might had had a
considerable Muslim population even before Mrauk-U dynasty.148 The latest
popular politician and writer of Arakan, U Saw Maung, Vice President of Arakan
People’s Democratic Front, published a short treatise, where indirectly
admitted Muslim presence in Arakan before Mrauk-U. The treatise emphasized the
Pathan force came to help Min Saw Mon, betrayed him, and seized power of Arakan
for three months and built Sandhi Khan Mosque. Min Saw Mun kept it out of
Mrauk-U city due to his belief that non-Buddhist should not be kept inside the
city compound.149 If the Pathan commander betrayed Mm Saw Mon and ruled only
for three months, how could he build a Mosque with stone in three months?
Actually he ruled foi many years. CHAPTER VIII ROHINGYAS ARE NOT ALIENS BUT
NATIVES. In previous chapters we have seen how the terminology Rohingya evolved
historically. It is an antiquity not an invention of recent past, though in
some records Rohingyas has been termed as Muslims. This Rohingyas have their
ethnic root in the people of Wethali dynasty. Inscriptions found in Wethali
today are very much nearer to the language of Rohingya. The people in Wethali,
during the Candra dynasty indeed were Indians rather than Mongolians. Thus
linguistically and genealogically Rohingya alone has greater affinity with the
people of Candra age. Most writers overlook this historic reality and only try
to judge Rohingyas as Muslims, as if they infiltrated into Arakan or they came
to settle down there from some alien coun ies. It is true; from cultural point
of view this Rohingya got a religion, which is not the product of their
birthplace. Genealogically they are bonafide Arakan products. Many centuries
ago, the whole Bengal was a Hindu or a Buddhist land. Today 80% of Bangladesh
population is Muslim. How did it happen? How did this change take place? The
same logic is true for Rohingyas in Arakan, whereas their ancestors were Hindus
or Buddhists. We will find in the next chapter “Muslim influence in Arakan”,
how the missionary works of Muslim Saints and Preachers had been successful.
Arakanese chronicles amply described how did Islam spread in Arakan. Today, a
notion that Rakhine has no Muslim is an extremity and short of truth. From
legal point of view, a people living in Arakan, as its permanent homeland prior
to British occupation is an indigenous race of Myanmar, no question whatsoever
is his religion or his ethnic background. Bogyoke Aung San, father of this
nation knew in detail of these Rohingyas. He knew about the communal crisis of
1942. In May 1946 he met Rohingya elders in Akyab. He assured them full
guarantee of nationality and protection. Some of the people who met him at
Akyab are still alive, though very aged. Assessing from historical and legal
point of view Bogyoke had allowed Rohingyas to represent in 1947 Constitutional
Assembly. The most remarkable thing is on the very day of Bogyoke’s death, i.e.
on 19th July 1947, he had had a special appointment with Muslim M. L. Cs., from
Arakan.150 So the conclusion is Muslims of Rohingyas are not aliens but natives
of Arakan. CHAPTER IX MRAUK-U DYNASTY (1430 – 1786 A.D.) Some Rakhine
chronicles try to divide Mrauk-U period into three phases: First Mrauk-U From
1430 -1531 A.D. From Min Saw Mun to Minkaung Raja. Second Mrauk-U From 1531
-1638 A.D. From Min Bagyi to Thiri Thudama Third Mrauk-U From 1638 – 1784 A.D.
From Min Haree or Min Sane to Maha Thamadda Mrauk-U period is the most splendid
time throughout Arakanese history. During this time Arakan’s sovereignty
extended to Taung Ngoo and Martaban in the east, up to the borderline of Ganges
River in the west. Its kings were said to be Buddhists but most of them, save
the kings in the third phase, have Muslim titles. Persian is said to be their
official language. But I have no concrete document concerning it. But in early
British period office orders were found in Persian. Arakan court system is said
to have based on the system of Muslims of Bengal and Delhi. Its relations with
external forces, such as Mogul, Portuguese, Dutch, Tripura, Pathan, Mon and
Burma was very complex and delicate. It is very interesting to study it. As we
have seen Min Saw Mon fled to Bengal. Laungkyet was under Burmese occupation.
Rakhines with the help of Mon tried many times to repel the Bruman but were not
successful. In the year 1426, Gaur Sultan Nazir Shah sent an army headed by
Wali Khan (Rakhine chronicle, U Lu Khin). Gaur Sultan was highly satisfied with
service Min Saw Mun rendered during his war with Delhi. Min Saw Mun’s military
craftsmanship was highly appreciated and the Sultan determined to help enthrone
Min Saw Mun in Laungkyet. But commander of the army, Wali Khan who was sent to
help Min Saw Mun, betrayed his trust. In collaboration with a Rakhine noble, U
Zeka (some chronicles say in collaboration with Ananda Thin, Mayor of Dahlet),
imprisoned Min Saw Mun and declared himself king. R. B. Smart mistook this
Rakhine noble with a Mon Governor in his description of this event. Wali Khan
removed the seat of Government to Parin and built the city. According to
Bengala District Gazetteer, Wali Khan introduced Muslim Judicial system
there.151 In the year 1429 (that is after three years) two emissaries from the
court of Delhi killed him. [In fact it was from the court of Gaur].152 There
was Muslim Judicial system, only because there were considerable Muslim
inhabitants. In connection to the betrayal of Wali Khan, U Hla Tun Pru, an
eminent historian of Arakan Says: the infamous general Wali Khan eventually
make a coup by throwing Narmeikhla into jail. The Sultan of Gaur, however,
immediately reacted by sending a new well-equipped army punish the perfidious
general. The Sultan was not satisfied until the skin of Wali Khan was converted
into a covering for a drum to proclaim his perfidy throughout his dominions by
drum beating.153 The second general Sandi Khan took action against Wali Khan,
restored Naramekhla (a) Min Saw Mun to his throne in Laung Kyet. Two years
later a new capital, Mrauk-U was founded and the Muslim troops (came to help
him) settled in the area in numbers. They built a Mosque, known still today as
Sandi Khan Mosque, three miles away from the palace. The stones used in
building the Mosque were like that of the Palace. The king provided them.154
The turmoil of foreign inroads showed that Laungkyet was ill fated and the
omens indicated Mrauk-U as a lucky site. So he decided to move there; though
the astrologers said that if he moved the capital, he would die within the
year; he insisted saying that if the move would benefit his own people and his
own death would matter little. In 1432 he founded the city and in the next year
he died.155 About Narameikhla, historians said, “The Arakanese king lived there
(in Gaur) for 24 years, leaving his country in the hands of Burmese …….. He
turned away from what was Buddhist and became familiar to what was Mohammedan
and foreign. In so doing he loomed from medieval to modern, from the fragile
fair-land of Glass Palace Chronicles to the robust extravaganza of thousand and
one night.156 From this time Arakan became closer to Bengal, culturally and
politically. Nevertheless, they remained Buddhist. In this time of Narameikhla,
Abdu Min Nyo wrote his famous Rakhine Minthami Ayechan. This writer’s name
sound Muslim. Below is a list of Kings of Mrauk-U Dynasty: First Mrauk-U Sr.No
Name of kings Relationship MuslimTitles Time of Rule 1. Narameikhla (a) King of
Laungkyet Sulaiman Khan 1430 A.D. Min Saw Mun Son of Razathu 1. Min Khari (a)
Brother of Sr.NO.1 Ali Khan 1433 A.D. Norenu 1. Ba Saw Pru Son of Sr. NO.2
Kalima Shah 1459 A.D. 2. Daulia Son of Sr. NO.3 Maghul Shah 1482 A.D. 3. Sa Saw
Nyo Son of Sr. NO.2 Mohamed Shah 1492 A.D. 4. Rang Aung Son of Sr. NO.4 Nuree
Shah 1494 A.D. 5. Salinka Thu Maternal Uncle Sikandar Shah 1501 A.D. 6. Min
Raza Son of Sr. NO.7 Ili Shah 1513 A.D. 7. Gazapati Son of Sr. NO.7 lIyas Shah
1515 A.D. 8. Min Saw Oo Brother of Sr. NO.7 Jalal Shah 1515 A.D. 9. Thazatha
Son of Daulia Ali Shah 1515 A.D. 10. Min Khaung Son of Daulia 1521 A.D. Raza
Second Mrauk-U Sr.No Name of kings Relationship Muslim Titles Time of Rule 1.
Min Bin (a) Son of Min Raza Zabauk Shah 1431 A.D. Min Ba Gyi 1. Min Dikha Son
of Sr. No.1 1553 A.D. 2. Min Saw Hla Son of Sr. No.2 1555 A.D. 3. Setkya Veti
(a) Son of Sr. No.2 1564 A.D. Min Setkya 5. Min Phalaung Son Min Ba Gyi Sikandar
Shah 1571 A.D 6. Min Raza Gyi Son of Sr. No.5 Salim Shah I 1593 A.D. 7. Min
Khamaung Son of Sr. No.6 Hussein Shah 1612 A.D. 8. Min Hari Son of Sr. No.7
Salim Shah II 1622 A.D (Thrithudamma) 1. Min Sane (a) Son of Sr. No.8 1638 A.D.
Thadu Min Hla Third Maruk-U Sr.No. Name of kings Relationship Muslim Titles
Time of Rule 1. Kuthala Narapatigyi Great grand son of 1638 A.D Thazata 1.
Thadu Mintra Son of Sr. No.1 1645 A.D. 2. Sanda thudamma Son 1652 A.D. 3. Uga
Bala Son 1672 A.D. 4. Wera Damma Raza Brother 1685 A.D. 5. Mani Thudamma Raza
Elder brother 1692 A.D. 6. Sanda Thuna Damma Younger Brother 1694 A.D. Raza 8.
Ngatin Nawrahta Son 1694 A.D. 9. Marupai Usurper 1696 A.D. 10. Kala Kandala
Usurper 1697 A.D. 11. Naradipati Son of Sr.No.7 1698 A.D. 12. Sanda Wimala Raza
Grandson of Sr. No.2 1700 A.D. 13. Sanda Thuria Raza Grandson of Sr. No.3 1706
A.D. 14. Sanda Wiziya Raza Outsider 1710 A.D. 15. Sanda Thuria Raza Son-in-law
1730 A.D. 16. Naradipadi Son 1734 A.D. 17. Narapawara Raza Brother 1735 A.D.
18. Sanda Wizila Raza Cousin 1737 A.D. 19. Thuratan Raza 1737 A.D. (Kala Ketya
Min) 20. Mettras Raza Brother of Sr. No.17 1737 A.D. 21. Nara Abay Raza Son of
Sr. No.15 1742 A.D. 22. Thirthu Raza Son 1761 A.D. 23. Sanda Perma Raza Brother
1761 A.D. 24. Aboya Maha Raza Brother-in-law 1764 A.D. 25. Sanda Thumana Raza
Brother-in-law 1773 A.D. 26. Sanda Thumala Raza Outsider 1777 A.D. 27. Sanda
Thakitta Raza Outsider 1777 A.D. 28. Maha Thamada Raza outsider 1782 A.D Note:
1 No. 13, 15, 11, 16 and 14, 18 are same name but different persons. 2 Muslim
titles are corrupted and Arakanized in some Rakhine chronicles. 3 The list of
Kings here is drawn by adjusting U San Tha Aung’s Arakan Coins and Arakan State
Council’s History of Arakan Vol. I. Alongside with this far ranging commercial
links with Bengal, close cross-cultural ties were thereafter immediately
fastened between the Rakhine kingdom and East Bengal. Because Narameikhla and
his family had spent over 20 years in exile amid Muslim culture and as a
nominal vassalage of the Sultan of Gaur, the Rakhine kingdom was strongly
influenced by Bengal culture. Hence Narameikhla employed Muslim tittles in his
coins and inscriptions…….. He had to assign the revenue of his dominions in
Bengal to the Sultan of Gaur to meet the expenses of helping him to recover his
throne. He was succeeded by his son (in fact, his brother), Ali Khan reigned
(1434-1459 A.D) who have adopted a Muslim name, which the Sultan of Gaur
recognized in memory of notable services his brother had rendered to the house
of Gaur.157 In fact the gradual Muslim infiltration into political and cultural
life of Arakan became more forceful during the reign of Min Saw Mun, who with
the help of Sultan of Gaur, Jalaludding Mohammed Shah (some say with the help
of Nazir Shah) regained his throne.158 Moshe Yegar says Nrameikhla ceded
certain territory to the Sultan of Bengal and recognized his sovereignty. As
proof of his vassalage and despite being Buddhist, he and his heirs took Muslim
tittles in addition to Arakanese tittles. He also introduced Nazir Shah’s
system of coins bearing the Kalimah (Verse of Muslim confession of faith) as
used in Bengal since the Muslim conquest of 1203. Later on he strikes his own
coins, which had the name of the king in Burmese letters on one side, his Muslim
title in Persian on the other. Arakan was subject to Bengal until 1531. Her
kings received their Muslim titles from Bengal Sultans. Nine vassal kings
received Muslim titles. Even after becoming independent of Bengal Sultan, the
Arakan kings continued the custom of using the Muslim title in addition to the
Burmese or Pali titles. This was because they not only wished to be thought of
as Sultans in their own right in imitation of the Mogul, but also because there
were Muslims in ever larger numbers among their subjects. Court ceremonies and
administrative methods followed the customs of the Gaur and Delhi Sultanate.
There were eunuchs, harems, slaves and hangmen; and many expressions in use at
court were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent posts despite the fact that the
kingdom remained Buddhist. The Arakan kingdom was closely connected with the
Muslim territories to the west in other ways as well. After the death of
Narmeikhla, Arakan started expanding northward, and there were regular Arakan
forays and raids on Bengal. Early in the 17th century, the Portuguese reached
the shores of Bengal and Arakan. At that time, too, the raiding Arakanese ships
reach the shores of Bengal. They came into contact with the Portuguese and
permitted them to establish bases for operation and also granted them
commercial concessions. In return the Portuguese helped to defend the Arakan
boundaries in 1576, Akbar the great, Emperor of Delhi, was efficiently ruling
Bengal so that Arakan was now facing the Mogul Empire itself and not only
Bengal. The Portuguese’s knowledge of firearms and artillery was more advanced
than that of Moguls, and Arakan Profited much thereby. Joint Arakan Portuguese
raids on Bengal continued until the end of 18th century and ceased entirely
only with the strengthening of British naval force in the Bay of Bengal.159 An
Arakanese writer Aung Zan says, it is further to be noticed that Ba Saw Pru
(Kalima Shah) conquered Chittagong in1459 A.D. and struck silver coins with
Persian inscriptions to promote trade with the rest of Asia. The Muslim title
of Arakan kings, according to Aung Zan are: Ali Khan (1433-1459), Kalima Shah
(1459-1482), Mawku Shah (1482-1492), Mohammed Shah (1492 – 1494), Nuri Shah
(1494), Sheikh Abdullah Shah (1494-1501), IIi Shah (1501-1513), Ali Shah (1513
– 1515); and there were Salim Shah I (Minrazagyi) and Salim Shah II
(Thirithudamma).160 One Arakanese historian, Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung of
Mrauk-U, an honorary archeologist of Mrauk-U museum, in his Rakhine Maha
Razawin (Great History of Arakan) says, until the 9th king of Mrauk-U about 145
years, Arakan remained the vassalage of the Sultan of Gaur. In the reign of
Zalatta Min Sawmuan the 9th King of Mrauk-U, in 887 B.E., three missionaries
from Delhi headed by (Abdul) Qader came to Mrauk-U and propagated Islam,
building Mosques in various places. People in groups, village by village
converted to that religion, which was later prohibited by Min Bagyi (1531-1551)
in response to a complaint from Saya U Mra Wa.161 The early days of the restoration
of Mrauk-U monarchy in 1430 equally saw steady influx of population of Islamic
faith, chiefly mercenaries from Afganistan, Persia and even Turkey as well as
traders from other parts of Muslim world. This influx of Muslim population did
not modify significantly the demographic structure of Rakhine kingdom, however,
as they were few in numbers.The last mentioned settlers were calling themselves
(and were designated as) ROhingyas.162 Moshe Yegar further remarks: Thus one
may be warranted in emphasizing that part of the reason for such customs (as
introduced by Narameikhla) may be ascribed to the fact that there were Muslims
in ever greater numbers among their subjects, a number of them holding eminent
posts in the kingdom.163 Maurice Collis says, it took the Arakanese a hundred
years to learn that doctrine. (The doctrine of administration of Indian Muslim
Sultan) ……. from 1430-1530, for hundred years Arakan remained feudatory to
Bengal.164 U Hla Tun Pru, once a State Councilor (The highest state organ) writes:
Hamayun the Mogul Sultan of Delhi sent Abdur Kadir as ambassador to recognize
his (king Min Bar’s) kingship and to confer on him the Mo ammedan title of
Zabauk Shah according to a practice which began with Min Saw Mown, the founder
of Mrauk-U dynasty. Min Saw Mown recovered his throne at Laungkyet with the
help of Afgan (Gaur) troops, an act of assistance for which he assigned to
Nazir Shah (Sultan of Gaur) a long term lease of the 12 towns of Bengal forming
the greater part of the Ganges basin in Bengal territory between Ramu and Decca
in the east and Murshidabad in the west.165 The notion that there were no
Muslim inhabitants in Arakan before or during the Mrauk-U period save a few
captive slaves brought from Bengal coastal area is short of truth. These all
Muslim populations still discussed here are prior to the bringing of captives
from Bengal as well as the followers of Shah Shujah in 1660, who later become
the palace guard of Kaman Unit. In this regard, two Persian inscriptions found
in Chittagong said to be engraved in 1494-1495 A.D., refer to the names of a
Muslim Governor and his subordinate officials holding Persian titles, thus
testifying Islamic penetration into Arakan166 before the bringing of captives.
Minkhari (a) Ali Khan (1434-1459) He succeeded Min Saw Muwn in 1434 A.D.
Rakhine chronicles say he occupied Ramu. Perhaps at that time it was no man’s
land, otherwise it is not proper to go against the Bengal king who helped them
restore their throne in Arakan. Ba Saw Pru (a) Kalima Shah (1459-1482) He
succeeded Ali Khan. Rakhine chronicles described him to be an efficient king.
He is said to have occupied Chittagong. But there is the question that Min Saw
Muwn only three decades ago, had given the lease of 12 towns of Bengal to the
king of Gaur. It may be that Chittagong then was not under Gaur king. And
Chittagong had been under fluctuation of power of Tippera, Muslims and Arakan.
For most part of the history it was under Rakhine sovereignty until 1666 A.D.,
when it was seized by Aurenzeb, the emperor of Delhi, in retaliation of the
murder of his brother Shah Shujah and his family, who took asylum in Arakan.
After Sa Saw Pru the successive kings until Min Bagyi (1531-1553) were not very
important ones. Nothing much noteworthy was recorded during their reign. They
were not strong kings. During this period Rakhine lost the control of
Chittagong. Dr. Kunango says king of Bengal had extended his sovereignty onto a
portion of Arakan proper during this time. Minbin (a) Z abouk Shah (1531-1553)
After 1532 the coast, though poor and largely uninhabited, was liable to
pillage by Phalaung (Feringyi, Portuguese). It would have been a bad age for
Arakan because king Minbin unable to cope with the aggressive Tabin Shwehti,
the king of Pegu. Foreseeing trouble, he put the defenses of his capital,
Mrohong into repair with a deep moat filled with tidal water. This and the fact
that a long seize would have exposed the Burmese to attack from Arakanese
craft, were the reason why the Burmese failed to take the city (Mrohong).
Minbin kept Ramu and Chittagong in spite of raid there by the Tippera tribes
while he was engaged with Tabin Shwehti, and coins bearing his name and styling
him as Sultan, were struck at Chittagong. He built at Mrohong the Shitthaung,
Dukkanthein, Lemyathna and Shwedaung Pagodas and the Aandaw Pagoda to shrine a
Ceylon tooth relics. Arakanese maintained sea-going crafts, and Chittagong bred
a lot of capable seamen. For centuries they were terrorizers in the Ganges
delta and at times they hampered effectively the Portuguese shipping. Finally
they united with the Portuguese free boaters and thus brought about the
greatest period in Arakanese history. The Portuguese subject to no control from
Goa, had settled in numbers at Chittagong, making it a thriving port, since the
middle of XVI century. It was always held by a brother or faithful clansman of
the king, with an Arakantse garrison: every year the king sent a hundred boasts
full of troops, powder and ball, and then the garrison and boats sent in the
previous year returned home.167 After Minba, Mindikha, Min Saw Hla and Min
Setkya ruled successively until 1571. There was ingbility during their time Dr.
Kunango says Chittagong was a bone of contention between Muslim king of Bengal,
Tippera and Arakan. He says Mohammed Shah conquered Chittagong in 1554 and
minted coins in the name of Arakan. But after his death, it fell under Tripura
king Daniya Manikka. Finally the Arakanese reoccupied it in 1571. Min Palaung
had some trouble with Portuguese He strengthened his defense of Mrauk-U, to
protect it from the attack of Burmese and hill tribes. He was succeeded by his
son Min Razagyi in 1593. Min Razagyi (a) Salim Shah I (1593 -1612 A.D.) He was
one of the powerful kings of Arakan. He founded the Parabow Pagoda in Mrohong
and employed Debretio in the expedition against Pegu. It comprised land levies,
which went over the passes as well as a flotilla from Chittagong and Ganges
delta. According to the narration of Dannya Waddy Ayaedawbon, (The upheaval of
Arakan) the flotilla consists of 50,000 (fifty thousand) Kalahs. The expedition
was successful. It conquered up to Moulmein. [The word Kalah is a Rakhine usage
for Muslims. The Muslim force in this expedition built a Mosque at Thantalen
quarter at Moulmein, which until today known as Rakhine Mosque. There are also
other versions about the historicity of this Mosque. But I think that the one I
am referring here is more correct]. Arakan received vast loot, brought back by
its raiders from Pegu together with Nanda Bayin’s daughter and white elephant.
In this period Dutch East-India Co. seek trade relation with Arakan, but Arakan
was found to be in need of naval and military assistance to face the Frenghi of
Diang. On return journey from Pegu expedition, the wise minister Maha Pinnya
Gyaw, lord of Chittagong died and was buried by the Hmawdin Pagoda at Negaris;
he had served the king from youth up, and his compilation of legal precedents
Maha Pinnya Gyaw Pyatton which placed the interpretation of the Manu
Dhammathats on a definitely Buddhist basis, was thereafter among the most
valuable works of its kind throughout Burma. The Portuguese became more of a
liability than an asset. Debritio, whom U Hla Tun Pru said to be son of Begum
Pasida, daughter of Humayun, the Emperor of Delhi, who was offered as a present
to King Minba, was playing his own game at Syriam though normally in the
service of Arakan, he was suspected of planning to unite with Dianga pirates in
a conspiracy to conquer Arakan. So to forestall it Min Razagyi attacked their
place and massacred hundreds of Frenghis in 1609. But some years after,
Sebastian Gonzalez collected a formidable force and carried a most successful
episode against the Arakanese king. But this attack of Portuguese was repulsed
by the help of Dutch. Arakan king could seize up the Sandip Island, the center
of Portuguese pirates. The followers of Gonzalez had deserted him. Meanwhile,
Min Razagyi was succeeded by the crown prince, Min Khamaung (1612-1622 A.D.).
He was once captured by De Britio, but his father was successful to get his
release by diplomatic way. He gained the friendship of Dutch. He got rid of the
Portuguese in 1617 and occupied Sandwip. Later the scattered Portuguese ceased
to be his enemies and became his tools. These Portuguese settled at Chittagong
and served the Arakanese king in holding lower Bengal. They centered at
Chittagong and worked off their superfluous energy by annual slave raids in
Bengal. Harvey said in a single month, February 1627, they carried 1,800
captives from the southern parts of Bengal. The king chose the artisan about
one fourth, to be his slaves and the rest were sold at prices varying from Rs.
20 to Rs. 70 a head.168 Min Kamaung was succeeded by his son Min Hari (a) Thiri
Thudamma (a) Salim Shah II. Thiri Thudamma (a) Salim Shah II (1622 -1638 A.D.)
Thiri Thudamma was an efficient king. Arakan prospered much in his time. There
were extensive foreign trades. According to Dr.Than Tun, many currencies were
in circulation in Arakan at that time. Cowry Shells brought from Maldives were
used for petty bazaar transactions. Mogul Tanga and the Riyals were also used.
D.G.E. Hall said, in the 16th century Arakan was a sea power of some
importance.—————The city of Mrohong was an eastern Venice, like modern Bangkok,
a city of lagoons and canals, and connected with the sea by tidal rivers.
Relations with Portuguese again deteriorated. Thiri Thudamma was planning a
further dose of medicine with which Dianga (Portuguese strong hold at the mouth
of Ganges) had been treated in 1607. Friar Sebastian Manrique, Vicar of Diang,
therefore was sent to Mrohong in 1630 to persuade the king to call off the
projected attack. His mission was successful, and during his six months’ stay
there he got on as such good terms with the king that he obtained permission to
build a Catholic Church in the suburb of Daingri-pet for the use of Portuguese
mercenaries serving in the Royal Guard. He also saw, like Floris (head of a
trade mission of Dutch to Arakan), the Pegu loot, the white elephant and Nanda
Bayin’s daughter (then a widow and the grand Dowager of the court). She told
him, with deep emotion, the story of her sufferings. In 1633, Manrique was
again in Mrohong this time as the adviser to Portuguese envoy sent from Goa to
treat with the king Thiri Thudamma. His stay was a lengthy one, and in 1635, he
witnessed the long deferred coronation of the king. In his journal of his
travels, he described the situation of Mrohong then in glowing colors. It was a
truly remarkable document, and English translation was published in 1927 by the
Hakluyt Society. It painted a vivid picture of Mrohong in the days of its
prosperity and power. Thiri Thudamma cultivated friendly relations with Dutch
at Batavia and persuaded them to open a factory at his capital. They were in
urgent need of regular supplies of rice and slaves for their Indonesian
settlements, and could obtain large quantities of both in Arakan. The slaves
were the fruits of Frenghi raids on Bengal. After Thiri Thudamma’s death the
Dutch quarreled with his successor Narapadigyi (1638-1645) and for years
withdrew their factory and it was not reopened until the reign of Sanda
Thudamma (1652 -1684 A.D).169 Thiri Thudamma was poisoned by his Queen Natshin
Mai, and her paramour, Maung Kuttha, the Governor of Laungkyet. Maung kut-tha
was imprisoned and Min Sane, the son of murdered sovereign, proclaimed king,
but only to be poisoned within seven days by his mother, who by her intrigues
succeeded in effecting the release of Maung Kut-tha, who she married, and who
ascended the throne and reigned for seven years.170 He massacred a large number
of Royal Klansmen and influential ministers; some of them had fled to
Chittagong. Kut-tha (a) Narapadigyi was succeeded by his son Thadu Mintra and
he was again succeeded by his son Sanda Thudamma (1652 -1674 A.D.). Sanda
Thudamma (1652 -1674) Sanda Thudamma is celebrated in Arakanese chronicles as
one of the noblest of their kings. During his long reign, Arakan pursued a far
more enlightened policy towards European traders than its neighbor Burma.
Unlike Burma it used coined money. In 1653 he signed a commercial treaty with
Batavia, Dutch and trade centers and factories were reopened. Mogul Tanga was
used in its ports and its own coinage was stuck. For small Bazaar transaction
Cowry Shells, imported from Maldives and sold in the rate of 48 Viss for a
Rupee, were used. There were many expertises in Cowry transaction business.
These experts were known as “Punch cowry” (expert of Cowry business) in Arakan.
There are places, villages and Mosques in the name of so-called Panch Cowry.
Dutch relation with Sanda Thudamma interrupted in 1665, through an
incidentfamous in Mogul annals.171 This incident is very important in Arakan
history too, because from this time Arakan relinquished its power, never held
up its position again as before. So some say it is the beginning of the
downfall of Arakanese Empire. Mogul Prince Shah Shuiah Exiled in Arakan Shah
Jahan, son of Jahangir, grandson of Akbar was the possessor of “Kohinoor”
(Mount of light) Diamond, now one of the English crown Jewels, was on the
throne of Delhi. He was brought to a close in 1658. He had four sons, Shah
Shujah, Aurenzeb, Murad and Dahra. Shah Shujah, Viceroy of Bengal, was involved
with his brothers in scramble for the throne, which, arose out of their
father’s serious illness in 1657. It was won by Aurenzeb who managed to secure
the throne in the following year.172 Shujah was unable to hold Bengal against
his brother’s attacks and he fled to Decca and took a ship for Arakan together
with his family and a great quantity of treasures, in 1660. Arakan king
promised him shelter and ships for the journey. A Portuguese fleet was sent to
carry the Prince. The Dianga Frenghi relieved him of much of the treasure
before he reached Mrohong. His advertised plan was to make a pilgrimage to
Mecca and Sanda Thudamma promised him ships for that purpose.173 Albert Fytche
says Shujah embarked with his wife, his three sons and some daughters. They
reached Arakan safely but some scoundrels managed to open some of his chests
and robbed him of many of his jewels. Dr. Kunango says, the local ballads (of
Bengal) states that Shujah was accompanied by his wife Piara Banu or Pairibanu
and his three daughters on his journey to Arakan. His daughters were named as
Gulrukh Banu, the eldest; Roshanara Begum, the second; and the third was Amina
Begum.174 A contemporary manuscript of Arakan mentions, in the party was a
sister of Shujah, Sabe Bee.175 Alamgirnama mentions, Zainuddin, Buland Akhtar
and Zainul Abiddin are the names of Shujah’s sons. Gerrit Van Voorverq, the
Dutch chief factor at Mrohong mentions Bon Sultan also spelt as Sultan Bang as
the eldest son in a letter to the headquarter at Batavia.176 Alamgirnama says
the Prince bid Hindustan farewell on 6th May 1660 A.D. On the following day,
the day after starting towards Arakan, they met a number of war boats of
Arakanese and Portuguese on the way, sent by Governor of Chittagong to assist
Shah Shujah and his party, by the order of king of Arakan.177 Khafi Khan
(assistant to Mirzumla, commander of Aurenzeb army) said the Prince loaded two
boats with his personnel effects; vessels of gold and silver, jewels, treasures
and other appendages of Royalty.178 Shujah first arrived at Chittagong and
sojourned temporarily there. Almost all contemporary sources, including the
Dutch Dag Register, English factor, Alamgirnamah and other travelers such as
Bernier and Manucci, all are in agreement that the Prince temporarily resided
at Chittagong. From Chittagong to Arakan, Shujah took the land journey. This
road, which Shujah took to travel Arakan, is still known as Shujah Road. Shujah
Road originates from the left bank of Karnapuli River passes through Bandre,
Anawarah and then crossing the Shanka River at Chandpur it meet the Arakan Road
near Chatkania.———–This part of the road runs either through the hills or
Parallel to the hill ranges. Local traditions ascribed the name of Dulahzara to
Shujah’s respite for few hours with the thousand Palanquins (Carriers) carrying
the harem ladies. The place where Shah Shujah preformed his Eid Prayer was
named as Edgoung.179 Arthur Phayre writes, from thence (Chittagong) they
traveled through a difficult country to the Nat River crossing which they
entered Arakan. The road through Teknaf is mountainous and extremely hazardous.
The local Ballads say the Prince has undertaken land journey for thirteen days
and thirteen nights with a troubled mind in a strange land before he reached
seashore. On the eastern side of the Naf River, he made a halt for three days.
This place on the eastern bank of Naf River, half a mile north of Maungdaw town
is still known as Shujah Village.180 Some of the Prince’s retinues remained
there because the rest of the journey to Mrohong was safe for the Prince since
they were out of the reach of Aurenzeb’s army. These retinues later settled at
that place. On the fourth day, the Prince undertook the sea journey again and
finally reached the Arakanese Capital. R. B. Smart says, on the frontier he was
received by an envoy who assured him of welcome and on nearing the capital, the
Prince, his family and the followers were met by an escort who conducted them
to the quarters set apart for them.181 Harvey says he came to Arakan as the
king promised to provide him some of his famous ships to take him to Mecca
where he wished to die in retirement, at that Holy spot. But when he arrived in
Arakan with a beautiful daughter (in fact three daughters) and half a dozen
camel loads of gold and jewels, the temptation was too great for king Sanda
Thudamma. Such wealth had never been seen in Arakan before, for the Mogul court
was one of the most splendid in the world. The king demanded Shujah’s daughter
in marriage. Shujah refused for he was a blue-blooded Mogul of the Imperial
House, and in any case a Mohammedan lady cannot marry out of her religion. The
king told him to go within three days. Having no ships, and being virtually a
prisoner Shujah instigated the Mohammedan settlers in the capital to revolt.
But the palace guard put them down and Shujah disappeared in the struggle. The
king seized his treasures.182 Moshe Yegar, an Israeli researcher, quoting
Bernier, a French Physicist who was in India during 1658-1667, writes: Months
after months passed, the favorable season arrived, but no mention was made of
(the promised vessels) to convey them to Mecca, although Sultan Shujah required
them on other terms than the payment of the hire, for he yet wanted not Rupees
or gold and silver or Gems. He had indeed a great deal of them; his great
wealth being probably the cause of, at least very much contributory to his
ruin………..The king turned a deaf ear to his entreaties and made a formal demand
of one of his daughters in marriage. Sultan Shujah’s refusal to accede to his
request exasperated him to such a degree that the Prince’s situation became
quite desperate. What then ought he to do? To remain inactive was only quietly
to wail destruction. The season for departure was passing away; it was
therefore necessary to come to a decision of some kind. There were many
Mohammattans mixed with the population of Arakan. …… Sultan Shujah secretly
gained over these Mohamattans, who he joined with two or three hundred of his
own people, the remnants of those who followed him from Bengal, and with these
force resolved to surprise the house of the king ……… and made himself sovereign
of the country. This bold attempt had certain feasibility to it. I, (Bernier),
was informed by several Mohammattans, Portuguese and Hollanders who were there
on the spot. But the day before the blow was to be struck, a discovery was made
of the design ……..The Prince endeavored to escape to Pegu. He was pursued and
overtaken within twenty four hours, after his flight; he defended himself. But
at length overpowered by the increasing host of his assailants, he was
compelled to give up the unequal combat. They were brought back and thrown into
the prison and treated with utmost harshness. Sometime after, the women were
set at liberty.183 Harvey said in this struggle Shujah disappeared. D.G.E. Hall
says in the December 1660, some of Shujah’s retinues ran amuck and nearly
succeeded in firing the Palace. The Arakanese massacred them and the refugee
Prince’s own life was only spared through the intercession of the king’s mother
who argued that it was unwise for him to teach his subjects so dangerous a spot
as that of killing a Prince.184 Moshe Yegar says in the words of Bernier
sometime after the first uprising, however, they were set at liberty and
treated more kindly, the king then married the eldest Princess …….. while
events were happening; some servants of Sultan Banque joined the Mohammattans
whom I have spoken in a plot to the last. The indiscreet zeal of some of the
conspirators led to the discovery of the design on the day on which it was to
be struck. In regard to this affair, too, I (Bernier) have heard a thousand
different tales; and the only fact I can relate with confidence is that the
king exasperated against the family of Shujah as to give order for its total
extermination. Even the Princess who he had himself exposed, and who it was
said advanced in pregnancy, was sacrificed according to his brutal mandate.
Sultan Banque and his brother were decapitated with gruesome looking axes,
quite blunt and the female members of his ill-fated family were closely
confined in their apartment, and left to die of hunger.185 The second source of
information of the period is the archives (Degh register) of the Dutch Indian
company in Batavia. The company’s representative and director of the Dutch trading
post, who was in Mrohong at the time, reported the events to Batavia. He too
was not an eyewitness, but wrote according to rumors heard in the city. He
described the warm welcome given to Shah Shujah by Arakanese king and his
promise to supply the refugees with ships to take them to Mecca. Eight months
passed, the promise had not been kept: According to Dutch representative the
reason for this was that king Sanda Thudamma asked Shah Shujah for a daughter
in marriage. ………. Shujah proudly refused to submit to what he regarded as a
grave dishonor and as a result friendly relation between him and the king
ruined. This incident was preceded by an event not mentioned in any source
other than the Dagh register. The report tells of an additional group of Muslims
who came to Arakan to join Shujah. The ensuing clash between them and some
Arakanese ended in the execution of Muslim group, and he was only dissuaded by
his mother and some of the grandees from visiting Shah Shujah with the same
treatment. In his letter the Dutch East Indian Company representative states
that Shah Shujah’s followers were murdered in February 7, 1661 because the
Prince intended to escape from the king’s palace and conquer the kingdom of
Arakan for himself. During these events all foreigners and all Muslim trading
vessels were sent away from Arakan so that they would not know what was
happening. The Dutchman also gives two versions of Shah Shujah’s death. One was
that he was killed during the first battle; the second that he escaped and was
later captured and stoned to death by his pursuers. On the Dagh register of
1664, it reports that, following upon the second plot of Shah Shujah’s son in
1663, two years after the first plot, the sons of Shujah and everyone found
wearing a beard in the Moorish fashion had been beheaded.186 On the other hand
Arakanese source of that period tells that Shah Shujah was only too happy to
give his daughter to the king of Arakan in gratitude for the asylum granted;
however, when he saw that he had lost the Mogul throne, he decided to conquer
Arakan and make himself king with the help of his own soldiers, the Muslim
soldiers in the king’s army, and the Muslim populace. Here these Muslim army
and Muslim population are exclusive of archer units of king’s army. So these
Muslims are bonafide Burmese citizens in the light of Burmese law. Sir Arthur
Phayre thinks that the Arakanese chronicles conceal their king’s ugly behavior
and emphasize the Prince’s abortive experiment to capture the palace by
neglecting to mention the preceding provocations of not providing the promised
ships, the king’s request to have one of Shah Shujah’s doughter in marriage and
his wish to molest the Prince’s riches. A. Phayre quotes no source for this
opinion, which is apparently his personnel view, but a decidedly acceptable
one.187 Albert Fytche writes, the king of Arakan had been offered a large
bribes by Aurenzeb to deliver up Shujah and that he only delayed until he had
decided as to the course which would be the most of his advantage. Shujah sent
messengers begging that the king of Arakan would give him a ship according to
his promise. The king gave a deaf ear to the messengers; he grew cool and
uncivil; and reproached Shujah for not having paid him a visit. The fact was,
Shujah was afraid to enter the palace; he was alarmed that the king would
imprison him; and plunder him of all of his treasures. Accordingly he sent his
eldest son to the palace. The young Prince presented the king with rich
Brocades, and rare pieces of gold smiths works; he apologized for his father’s
absence on the plea of ill health and implored the king to provide the promised
ships. The visit proved a failure. Nothing could induce the barbarian king to
fulfill his engagement. Shujah gained secretly a number of Muslims there and
joined with two or three hundred of his own men and tried two or three times to
capture the palace, probably to make the Prince, King. Each time their plot
failed resulting in their disasters. The king of Arakan then, married the
eldest daughter. At the same time the Queen mother of Arakan expressed a strong
desire to be married to the eldest son of Shujah. The Mogul Prince was probably
disinclined to the union; at any rate he hatched another plot of the same
character as the previous one. It was discovered in the like manner. It failed
too.188 It is learned the fugitive Prince and his family were highly admired by
the people. U Hla Tum Pru writes: in particular, the beauty of the young
Princesses was toasted everywhere in the capital as may be seen from the
following verses popularly attributed to the young king whose love they had
reciprocated. It was a poetry characterized by local public for the beauty of
the Princess. A rough translation: Shine as the moon, the foreheads reflect the
rays, the whole isle covered with the reflection of their body, excelled in
beauty, diamond and Sapphire like golden body, absorbed in moon, lovely second
to none. Free from six drawbacks, standard of beauty is incomparable in the
world as well as in the heaven, the place of angels. So attractive one cannot
take breath; body and soul will depart whence glance at: This is not angel but
more than man. Oh! What charity of the past made you so beautiful, we ever saw.
To sum up there might have been three attempts to plot. According to D. G. E.
Hall first attempt to coup Arakan palace was in December 1660. Some say there
was an uprising on 7th February 1661. I think these two dates concerned to the
first plot. The variance is due to the writers. Yet Dutch East Indian Company
representative says, some months later some new comers of Shujah’s followers
had staged the second uprising, which was repelled by the King’s army. These
followers of Shujah, who came sometime later to help him, were either his
retinues who remained in Shujah Village, Maungdaw or his former supporters from
Bengal. The last plot was hatched by Shujah’s eldest son in 1663. He gained the
support of local Muslims. Each attempt failed. Every time there were general
massacres of the Muslims in the city. So most of them had to flee to safety,
especially to Bengal. In Bengal some of the descendents of these exiles are
still found in the name of “Rouwiagn” i.e. people from Rowang. Some re-entered
Arakan when British occupied it in 1826 A.D. The Aftermath of Shuiah’s Assylum
in Arakan D. G. E. Hall says, the news of Shah Shujah and his family reached
Delhi. For some time before the last incident, the Mogul Viceroy of Bengal had
been sending urgent massages for surrender of the Princes, Sanda Thudamma paid
no attention to them and on the occasion of the last massacre even went as far
as to imprison a Mogul envoy. Fearing reprisal, he encouraged the Frenghi of
Dianga to redouble their efforts in raiding Bengal. Thus in 1664 their
galleasses sailed up the river towards Decca, broke up a Mogul flotilla of 240
vessels and laid waste far and wide. The Mogul government therefore decided
that the pirate nests must be finally destroyed. Aurenzeb’s maternal uncle,
Shaista Khan who had become Viceroy of Bengal prepares to make a supreme
effort. Both sides need ships and both plied the Dutch with insistent demands
for help. Matters came to a head in 1665, when the Dutch stubbornly clung to
their neutrality, Shaista Khan threaten to expel them from their Bengal
factories, if they did not at once evacuate Arakan. So one dark night in
November of that year they loaded four ships with everything they could carry
from their Mrohong factory, and before the king of Arakan realized what was
afoot, they were beyond pursuit. Aurenzeb demanded Shujah and his family. The
news of their massacre angered him and decided to take action. Shaista Khan was
already attacking the Frenghi outpost on Sandwip Island. A few months later in
1666 he captured and destroyed the formidable port on the mainland that for a
century had wrought such devastation to reach Delta land of Ganges. Two
thousand of these slaves hunters were themselves sold into slavery. Others were
permitted to settle as peaceful citizens at Frenghi Bazaar, twenty miles south
of Decca where their descendants are still found.189 Harvey says, the Frenghi
accepted the offer (of Shaista Khan) and suspecting that the king (of Arakan)
would exterminate their families, deserted to Shaista Khan with their families
in forty-two galleys laden with munitions. In 1666 Shaista Khan’s forces of
6,500 men and 280 boats took Chittagong in thirty-six hours and occupied Ramu.
They captured and sold 2,000 Arakanese into slavery. Such of the Arakanese
Garrison was escaped and tried to march home, but they were attacked by their
former slaves, the kidnapped Mohammedans of Bengal who had been settled on the
land. The fall of Chittagong was a terrible blow to the prosperity of Arakan,
and with it, their century of greatness came to an end. Sanda Thudamma’s long
reign saw the power of his race passed its zenith and his death is followed a
century of chaos. The profit of piracy had gone but the piratical instinct
remained, rendering governments, and they continued their sea raid. Chittagong
could never be recaptured by the Arakanese in spite of their occasional
raids.190 From then on Arakan could never hold up their political supremacy
enjoyed before, century long chaos and strife passed, finally Bodaw Paya of
Ava, in respond to invitation of some Arakanese, invaded and occupied Arakan in
1786 A.D. The Kaman Race The advent of Kaman race in Arakan is a remarkable
thing. They are the descendants of a martial race. Today they are designated as
an indigenous race of Myanmar. They are mostly educated and served in various
civil and military departments as senior officials. Justice U Sei Bu, who
executed the trial of Galon U Saw, the murderer of Bogyoke Aung San, was a
Kaman from Akyab. Present Deputy Minister of Ministry of Immigration, Major
Maung Aung (Rtd.), is U Sei Bu’s son. Harvey says, Shujah’s followers in 1661
were retained as archers in the guard of the Palace who drew a salary of Rs. 4
a month, equivalent to ten times that amount of present currency (British
time). They murdered and set up kings at their will and their numbers were
recruited by fresh arrival from upper India. In 1692, they burnt the palace and
for twenty years roamed over the country, carrying fire and swords where ever
they went. Finally they were broken by a lord who set up as King Sanda Wiziya
(1710-1731 A.D.); he deported them to Ramree; their descendants still exist,
under the name Kaman (In Persian Kaman means a bow). They speak Arakanese
dialect but retain their Mohammedan faith and Afghan features.191 Today all
Kamans are found to be Muslims in contrast to the narrations of Rakhine
Chronicles that there were Rakhine (Buddhist) in Kaman Units of Rakhine Kings.
Former history professor of Rangoon University Mr. Desai, remarks them as king
makers of Arakan. Here, Arakanese version concerning the Kaman is a bid
different but favorably accepted by the Kamans themselves. According to U Hla
Tun Pru, Shujah’s followers were experienced archers. The archers who escaped
the massacre were later admitted into the king’s bodyguard as special archers
unit, called Kaman or Kamanchis (from Persian bow, Kaman; bowman, Kamanchis).
Uggabala, son and successor of Sanda Thudamma, was assassinated by his
bodyguard of 42,000 strong men, at his own palace, Khraik Town. They burnt down
the palace and killed the Queen and other relatives of the king. The force is
mainly consisted of a large number of Mogul archers that Shah Shujah had
brought with him into Arakan. U Hla Tun Pru says these followers of Shujah were
merged with original Kaman units established from the time of king Kalima Shah
(a) Ba Saw Pru. Some Rakhine Kamans converted to Islam. Especially in the time
of Min Bagyi, Muslim missionaries headed by U Kadir came from Delhi and
preached Islam and some Rakhines converted to Islam. Thus today’s’ Kamans are
Muslims.192 These Kamans are mostly educated. U Pho Khaing was a British time
M.L.C and his daughter Daw Aye Nyunt was Parliamentarian in post independence
Burma. Kamans speak Rakhine language and their customs too are like Rakhine.
The census of 1931 registered a total of 2,686 Kamans. Islam has no caste
system. So marriage among Muslims is freely exercised. There have been ample
intermarriages between Rohingyas and Kamans. In the Southern Arakan there have
been some instances of intermarriages with the Rakhines too. The death of Sanda
Thudamma in 1684 marked the beginning of a period of anarchy and riot in the
kingdom during which the Muslim Kaman units played a decisive role as makers
and displacers of kings. These units were being continually reinforced by fresh
Afghan mercenaries from northern India. From 1666 to until 1710 the political
role of Arakan was completely in their hands. Ten kings were crowned and
dethroned. In 1710 king Sanda Wiziya (1710-1731) succeeded in gaining the upper
hand over them and most of them were exiled to Ramree. Their descendants live
in Ramree and in a few villages near Akyab and still bear the same name.193 In
the time of Sanda Wiziya there were a general suppression of Muslims. So 3,700
Muslims along with their families fled into Burma. Ava king, Sane, then on
throne, resettled them in twelve towns separately. These places are Shwebo,
Mauksoebu, Myedu, Dapeyein, Sagaing, Rameithin, Yindaw, Pyinmana, and Taung
Gnoo. Their descendants were recruited in the army of Bodaw Pya. They were employed
in Bodaw Pya’s Arakan campaign. They were assigned in Sandoway. Since they were
from Myedu of Upper Burma, their descendants in Arakan were known as Myedu
Muslims or Myedu Kalahs. In 1931 census their number is 4,681. Muslims have no
caste system making social integration easy. Thus these Muslims do not remain
as separate caste or race, they formally integrated with other Muslims in
Arakan. When king Sanda Thudamma died in 1684, the Rakhine kingdom became prey
to internal disorder. Another 25 kings came to the throne, but none could
maintain stability in the Kingdom. So, finally the army of the Burmese king
Bodaw Pya invaded the kingdom and deposed the last king in 1785. Muslim King in
Late Mrauk-U Period Sanda Wiziya was murdered in 1731 A.D. He was succeeded by
ten kings, all of whom except Nra Abya had short reigns. The country was
gradually falling into anarchy. Chaos arose. The massacre of Muslims by Sanda
Thudamma in 1664-1665 were fresh in the mind of Muslims. The Kaman palace
guards who were deported to Akyab and Ramree were still active. Here one thing
questionable is if the Kaman units of Arakan kings consist of Rakhine Buddhists
too, as said by the Rakhine historians, why all the deportees were Muslims?
There was an organized uprising of Muslims in 1738 all over the country. We
find this fact in the history book, complied by Rakhine State Council. We can
say it is an authentic chronicle because Rakhine State has always been very
much cautious to mention any role of Muslims in their official documents. Yet
that very book mentions: The kings after Sanda Wiziya were more unqualified. So
there in 1738, was a countrywide revolt by Kalahs (Muslims). [Rakhines use the
term Kalah for Muslims]. It was almost uncontrollable. Only when king Nra Abya
(1742-1761) came in power, he tried to stabilize the country, to get rid of the
rebellion. It further emphasize it was only in the reign of Abya Maharaza
(1764-1773) the country got some stability. In the very Rakhine State Council’s
chronicle on page 127, the 19th king of third Mrauk-U dynasty is shown as Kalah
Thuratan Raza or Kalah Ketiya Min in 1737. Arthur Phayre in his History of
Burma notes that a foreigner, Katra, rules for a short time. Here Kalah
Thuratan Raza of 1737 and Kalah rebellion of 1738 might of course had some
relationship. It indicates, there was a Muslim king indeed, though his reign,
in that chronicle, is shown to be only for months. Here we can postulate, only
when and where there were substantial population, they could try to make a king
of their own. The Muslim group who attempted to make a king of their own clans
in Mrauk-U was not intruders from any other country. They were permanent
settlers of Mrauk-U and neighboring towns. So these permanent settlers are,
according to Burmese Constitutions and Citizenship Laws, indigenous race of
Burma. Nowadays many without historical background of these people, just judge
them by seeing their features and culture, as aliens. Muslim Title of Arakanese
Kings and its Controversy Mrauk-U dynasty began from 1430 A.D. Narameikhla
exiled for 24 years in the kingdom of Bengal under Sultan of Gaur. With the
help of Gaur king Nazir Shah, some say: Jalaluddin Shah, Narameikhla regained
his throne in Laungkyet in 1430. Next year he shifted his capital to Mrauk-U
and Mrauk-U dynasty, the most shining one in Arakan history began. It lasted
until 1786 A.D., when Arakan was occupied by Bodaw Pya of Ava. From Narameikhla
to Thiri Thudamma (1622 – 1652 A.D.) about 19 Arakanese kings were seen with
Muslim titles, in addition to their Arakanese or Pali names. Arakanese
chronicles say Narameikhla had conceded to adopt Muslim titles in obtaining the
help of Bengal Sultan. It is more probable that as a sign of vassalage he was
bound to adopt Muslim title and he had to hand over East Bengal to Sultan of
Gaur. U Hla Tun Pru says it was a tradition from the time of Narameikhla to
adopt Muslim titles and the Muslim king of Bengal and Delhi chose these titles,
U Tha Tun Aung of Mrauk-U, in his great history (Maha Razwin) of Arakan says,
Ambassador U Kadir arrived Mrauk-U to offer Min Bagyi, the Muslim title chosen
for him by Emperor Humayun of Delhi. Some say only the vassalage king of Arakan
had had Muslim titles. But we find some poweriul kings such as Min Ba, Min
Phalaung, Min Khamaung, Min Razagyi and Min Thiri Thudamma also had Muslim
titles. Yet there is another notion that it was just to appease to their Muslim
subjects. Some argue that only those king who got hold of Chittagong, kept
Muslim titles, to style themselves as the Sultan of Bengal and Delhi. Here for
example, Narameikhla and his brother Min Khari (a) Ali Khan did not extend
their sovereignty over Chittagong and yet they had Muslim titles. Dr. Kunango
justified it by pointing out Ba Saw Nyo (a) Mohammed Shah died in 1494 A.D.,
after a short reign of two years and was succeeded by Rang Aung, son of Dawliya
(a) Mogul Shah. The throne in the very year was captured by Tsalingha Thu,
maternal uncle of Rang Aung. The absence of their Muslim name indicates their
loss of hold over Chittagong.194 They might lose the hold over Chittagong but
research shows that they yet had Muslim titles. Rang Aung was Nuree Shah where
as Tsalingha Thu was Sheikh Abdullah Shah. Dr. Kunango’s argument is that from
Rang Aung 1494 to Thazata 1531, the kings failed to hold authority over
Chittagong. Their rule was a time of tension and unrest in Arakan. They lost
Chittagong to Bengal Sultan Mohammed Shah. The reason for loss of Chittagong,
according to Dr. Kunango, is not their having Muslim titles. Again we find Min
Raza 1501- 1513 was Ilyas Shah, Gozapati (1513-1515) was Ilyas Shah, Min Saw Oo
(1515) was Jalal Shah and Thazatha (1515-1521) was Ali Shah.195 Another
version, especially some Muslim writers try to say these kings were actually
Muslims in faith. But there is no concrete evidence to prove that they are
Muslims. We can just postulate. The question here is if the Arakan kings
adopted Muslim titles to appease their subjects in Bengal then why those kings
who lost hold of Bengal too keep Muslim titles. It is clear that there were a
vast majority of Muslims in Arakan proper and to appease them the kings kept
Muslim titles though they were Buddhists in faith. Even we can see coins in the
name of Tsalinga Thu (a) Sikander Shah, Min Raza (a) IIi Shah and Thazata (a)
Ali Shah. Their coins were in Persian script.196 These were not Indian coins
but struck in Arakan, with the designation of Arakanese kings. Coins of these
Arakanese Kings: This indicates Muslim influence in the kingdom was great. Even
the kings were culturally influenced by Muslims. After Minbin (1431-1453) three
successive Kings, Min Dikkha Min Saw Hla, Min Setkya of course did not have
Muslim titles. It may be due to their short reigns and incursions of Bengal
King Mohammed Shah and Trippera King Oaniya Manikhya. From King Narapatigyi
(1638-1645 A.D.) to King Sanda Thudamma (1652-1684 A.D.), their control
remained over Chittagong. But they did not have Muslim titles. So the notion
that to appease the subjects in Bengal or Chittagong, the Arakan kings kept
Muslim title is questionable. Keeping of Muslim title is most probably to
appease their subjects in Arakan proper and partially to show themselves as
prestigious as the kings in Bengal and Delhi. Muslims in Arakan formerly were
treated with respect and they were given fair and equal rights. So kings in
first and second phases of Mrauk-U dynasties adopted various Muslim cultures
including their names. But from late 16th century due to plundering of Bengal
coast and bringing of its inhabitants as captured slaves, the social relation
between the Muslims and the Rakhine Buddhists began to deteriorate. Especially
the Shah Shujah crisis had a deep impact on Rakhine and Muslim relation.
Discord between the two groups grew greater. Suppressive mechanism was
introduced. So called Kaman forces were deported in Sanda Wiziya’s time of
1710-1731 A.D. Hence the kings in late Mrauk-U or third Mrauk-U did not keep
Muslim titles at all. One interesting thing is the coins 197 found in Mrauk-U,
indicate the name Tsazatha (a) Ali Shah on reverse side and the Muslim
confession of faith on obverse side, which read as follows: The script was in
Persian. Obverse side: Lailaha iIIalah muhammadur Rasulluah, Khalad Allah
Mulkahu. Meaning: There is no god but Allah; Mohammed is the messenger of
Allah. May Allah perpetuate his Kingdom. Reverse side: AI-Rahman Abu AI
Muzzaffar Ali Shah Sultan Khallad Allah Mulkahu. Meaning: Sultan Ali Shah,
Father of Victorious and Merciful. May Allah perpetuate his Kingdom. Diameter of
Coin = 29 mm Weight = 10.17 gm The kingdom of Bengal Gaur was captured by Mogul
(Delhi) king in 1557 A.D. Narameikhla took asylum under Gaur king. If there
were any conditions imposed on Narameikhla, it was by Gaur, not by Delhi king.
So when there was no Gaur king, Arakan was no longer under any compulsion to
adopt Muslim titles. Hence Min Phalaung (a) Sikandar Shah (1571-1593 A.D.), Min
Razagyi (a) Salim Shah I (1593-1612 A.D.), Min Khanaung (a) Hussein Shah
(1612-1622 A.D.) and Thiri Thudamma (a) Salim Shah II (1622-1638 A.D.) kept
Muslim titles voluntarily not under any obligation or compulsion. Even after
becoming independent of the Bengal Sultans, the Arakan kings continued the
custom of using Muslim titles in addition to their Pali titles. This was because
they not only wished to be thought as a Sultan in their own right in imitation
of Moguls, but also because there were Muslims in ever larger numbers among
their subjects. Court ceremonies and administrative methods followed the custom
of Gaur and Delhi Sultanates. There were eunuchs, harems, slaves and hangmen
and many expressions in use at court were Mogul. Muslims also held eminent
posts despite the fact that the kingdom remained Buddhist.198 It is true,
Muslim culture dominated all aspects of life in Arakanese period. Rakhine
Buddhists communicate with Muslims (Rohingyas) in Rohingya language. Thus
Rohingyas never felt necessary to learn Rakhine language and further Muslims
never think of, or are compelled to think, of keeping Rakhine or Burmese names.
Some assume Rohingyas to be fresh aliens, for not being affluent in speaking
Burmese and not having Burmese names. In fact it is not for being fresh comers
from other country but because of their being bonafide and dominant people of
the land, Arakan, preserving their own culture, which had been ever superior.
The notions of Burmese names, speaking fluent Burmese, Burmanization, Citizen
and alien and many other, are just the products of post independent period. The
most remarkable thing in Arakan Kings’ period is though they were at odd with
Delhi Muslim Kings; Muslims in Arakan proper had never been discriminated and
generously honored with high ranking official posts. It was hardly possible the
functions of the state mechanism without these Muslims. To be continue, see
Part II Reference: 1. Dr. Pamela Gutman, Ancient Arakan P-325. BSPP means Burma
Socialist Program Party (The political organ of U Ne Win’s time) 2. Pamela
Gutman. Ancient Arakan. Preface. P-II 3. Ibid P-68 4. History of Arakan by Rakhine
State Council, 1984, P-71. 5. U Hla Tun Pru; The Sandra Kings of Arakan and
their Successors. (History of Arakan a combination of articles). 6. Pamela
Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 74 7. Ibid 8. Dr. Aye Chan; Rakhine Magazine Vol. 14.
P-197 9. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan 1972 P-3 “Over land contact with Bcngal
is possible yia the coastal road passing from Chittagong and Cox Bazaar to Ramu
crossing the Naf River near the mouth and by furcating, either along the coast
to Akyab or passing over the ridges to Buthidaung on the May Yu river and
Paletwa on the upper Kaladan, from which the early cities could be reached by
boat or by road. (Pamela P-7)” 10. Moshe Yegar, The Muslims of Burma: Chapter “
Muslim settlement in Arakan ” 1972 P-19 11. Licut. Gen. Albert Fytche, CSI late
chief Commissioner of British Burma; Burma past and present Vol. I London 1878.
12. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan; P-10 13. A- Phayre: On the history of Arakan
P-34, B- San Shwe Bu ” The history of Mahamuni JBRS Vol.VI P-227 14. Pamela Gutman:
Ancicnt Arakan; P-14 15. U Hla Tun Pru: The Minorities of Arakan 1981 16.
Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P- 15 17. Ibid P- 23 18. Ibid P- 24, See also
Burma Gazetteer, Akvab District Vol.A P-91 19. Dr. Kanungo; History of
Chittagong Vol.I. P-25 20. U Hla Tun Pru; The Minorities or Arakan 1981 PP.
46-47 Also see “The fall of great Arakanese Empire” by the same author. 21.
Pamcla Gutamn: Ancicnt Arakan. 1972. P-16 22. Lincanzo Sangermano: The Burmese
Empire hundred years ago; Introduction by john jardine, Third edition Publish
in West Minster 1893. 23. J.Layden; On theLanguage and Liturature of Indo
Chinese nation,P-Vll, Asiatic Researches Vol. X 1911 PP- 223-224. 24.
Encyclopedia Britannica (1994- 1998) 25. U HIa Tun Pru; The Whither, the When,
and the Why of Arakanese history (an article 10 Dec. 1958). 26. Pamela Gutman;
Ancient Arakan P- 16 27. (a) History ofBurma Vol. 1 Compiled by BSPP. (b) Major
Bashin, Myanmar Naing Ngan before Annawrahta. (c) Naing Pan HIa (Formerly a
member of Myanmar History Commission), article in working Peoples Daily
(10/12/77). 28. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A 1978 29. Foot note in
the article King Berring, JBRS fiftieth anniversary publication No. 11, P- 443.
30. G. M. Gush: Magh Raiders of Bengal. 31. S. K Chatterjee, A History of Aryan
special in India.1926. P-205. See also Dr. Kanungo P-42. P-106 32. U Thein Pe
Myint; Traveler in the War. Chapter Magh Police Officer, PP 167 – 168 33.
Dr.Than Tun: Myanmar Dhanna Magazine July 1999 Issue. P-68. 34. Alberl Fytche; Burma
past and present Vol. l PP. 49-50 35. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. 44, 45.
36. Ibid P-3l7. 37. A P .Phayre; On the History of Arakan. Also see Proff. G.
H. Luce; The Advent of Buddhism to Burma; in L. Cusins etal(eds).Buddhist
studies in honor of I.B. Horner 1974, PP-120, 121 38. Pamela Gutman; Ancient
Arakan P-2 39. Cf..Mc. Crindle’s Ancient India as described by Ptolemy 1885.
Reprint in Calcutta in 1927. 40. 963a U.B.194 Sagaing Htu Payon Pagoda
inscription obverseII 20-23.804 S (1442 A.D.). 41. Pamela Gutman, Ancient
Arakan P-23 42. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A 1979. 43. Sir
H. Yule, Proceeding of Royal Geographical Society Nov. 1882. 44. Elliot and
Dowson: “History of India as told by its own Historians”. P-73. 45. Dr. Abu Fazl.
Aini-i-Akbri (Trans: H. Blochman. Calcutta (1871 – 1877). Mirza Nathan,
Bahristan Ghaibi; (Trans: Borah, Gohati. (1936).,Shihabuddin Ahmed,
Fatiya-Barria (Trans: 1. N. Sarkar, Bodlein Library, Oxford). 46. Dr. S. B.
Kanungo; History of Chittagong Vol. A, 1979 P-132. 47. Ibid P-133. 48. A-P.
Phayre: History of Burma P-34 49. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; Hislory of Chittagong PP
23 – 235. 50. Ibid; chapler II Sect. 3. 51. CH. Mohd; AF Narary, in the Dacca
Review: Burma an Arab land in the east P-35 52. Ibn Khurdadbhi: C. P. Cit 65.
53. Al Masudi; Muruj-al-dhahab wa Makaddim al Juwahar.Cairo Edition1938
Vol.II,PP129 – 130 54. Silsilat-al-Tawarikh. Extracts from statement in Elliot
and Dowson, Op. Cit. P-5. 5, 55. Dr. S. B. Kanungo, PP 233 – 234. 56.
Bangladesh District Gazetteer, Chittagong hill tracts, PP 33 – 34. 57. Anthony
Irwin: Burmese Outpost. P-22 58. R. B. Smart Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District
Vol. A P-38. 59. Moshe Yegar; Muslims of Bunna, P-120. 60. JASB XXVIII (1864).
P-24, Also See: Major Ba Shill, Burma before Anawralta and Burma by Arther
Phyare. 61. (a) The history ofRakhine Pyi, compiled by Rakhine State Council in
1982, P-55.,(b) The Culture of National Peoples (Rakhine) BSPP 1976, PP. 149 –
150., (c) History of Myanmar, SSPP Vol. III. P-] 92. 62. H. W. Wilson; the
history of Indian people, PP. 189 – 204. 63. Major Tun Kyaw Oo; Party Booklet
Vol. VII, PP. 8 to 16. Ahmyothar Party (Who is Rakhine?, Who is Rohingya?, Who
is Bengali?). 64. R. B. Smart; Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District Vol. A. P-18 65.
D. G. E. Hall; Burma, 1950, P-57. 66. Maurice Collis, Into Hidden Bunna, P-134.
67. Ibid; P-7. 68. D.G.E. Hall, Burma; Hukchinson University Library. 1950.
P-57. 69. Harvey; Outline of Burmese History. P-90. 70. U Hla Tun Pru; Sandra
kings and their successors. 71. U Hla Tun Pru; (Former member of Myanmar State
Council, the highest executive organ in the country) The Sandra Kings of Arakan
and their successors (in the history of Arakan, a combination of his articles).
72. U San Tha Aung (Formerly Director General of Higher Education Department);
The Coins of Arakan. 73. History of Arakan; Vol. I, Compiled by Rakhine State
Council, P-54 74. U San Tha Aung; Annanda Sandra Stone Pillar; Book II. P-2I6.
75. U San Tha Aung: Arakan Coins P-7. (His writing is based on the reading of
John Ston). Note: There are slight difference of dates in the reading of John
Ston and Mr. Sarcir. 76. History of Arakan by Rakhine State Council (Sep.
1984). P-114 77. Ibid; P-62 78. U San Tha Aung: Arakan Coins. P-7 79. Ibid P-8
80. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-2l 81. Ibid P-43 82. Pamela Gutman; Ancient
Arakan P-40, U San Tha Aung; Arakane Coins P-117 83. Arakan History;Vol.1
Rakhine State Council P-114 84. JBRS 50th Anniversary Publication. 1960. P-488.
85. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P-42. 86. U San Tha Aung; Arakan Coins (1979)
P-7. 87. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. P-325. 88. Ibid; P-41. 89. JBRS, 50th
Anniversary Publication, (1960) P-487. 90. Ibid P-45. 91. Pamela Gutman;
Ancient Arakan, P-225. 92. ASI (1925 – 1926), PP. 146 – 148. 93. Dr. Kanungo:
History of Chittagong Vol. A. P-66. 94. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP.
44-45. 95. Dr. Kanunngo; History of Chittagong Vol. A. P-71. 96. ASI (1925 –
1926) PP. 146 – 148. 97. J. H. Q. VII (1931). 98. Dr. Kanungo: The History of
Chittagong Vol. A P-55. 99. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. P-321. 100. Pamela
Gutman: Ancient Arakan. PP. 48 – 49. 101. A.S.Dani;”Mainamati Plates of
Candras”Pakistan Archeology III 1969.PP.34-35 102. (a) Pamela Gutman; Ancient
Arakan, P-73., (b) Phayre; “On the History of Arakan”JASB XIII (1844) P-49, lB
391(29),15(27),42(10),117 (a6),188(23) It is noteworthy that many of the
Arakanese mentioned in Pagan inscriptions were slaves. 103. The Evaluation of
Arakan History; compiled by Rakhinc State Council Vol. I (1984), P-114. Also
see, U Hla Tun Pru; The Sandra Kings of Arakan and their Successors. 104. U Hla
Tun Pru: The Sandra king of Arakan and their Successors, (In Arakan history, a
combination of his articles). 105. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan P – 74 Also See:
Codes; Indianized States PP.142 -143 106. Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan. P-321.
107. Ngamin Ngadon’s being a son or Sula Candra is a question needed
clarification. How can an untutored Sak be a son of Aryan Candra? 108. Again,
Kettathin’s being Ngamin Ngadon’s half brother or a grand nephew of Sula Candra
is a matter of question. It needs scrutiny for correctness. 109. The Evaluation
of Arakan History by Rakhine State Council (1984) P-114. 110. U Hla Tun Pru;The
Candra Kings of Arakan and Their Successors. 111. Pamela Gutman;Ancient
Arakan.P-14.,Also see 1.H.Luce “Phases of old Burma”. 112. Pamela Gutman;
Ancient Arakan. PP.73 – 74. 113. Ibid, P-15. 114. Ibid. P-74. 115. Ibid, PP. 15
-16. 116. Pamela Gutman: Ancient Arakan. PP. I () – 17. 117. U Hla Tun Pm; The
Whither. The Whcn and The Why of Arakancse History. (10 Dec. 1958). 118. Dr. U
Aye Chan; An article in Rakhine Tasaung (I 975-76). Vol 14 119. Ibid; His
article was in Burmcse. I havc tricd my best not to deviatc from the original
meaning. 120. Dr. S. B. Kanungo; History of Chittagong. Vol. L P-55, 121. Ibid;
Vol. I (1974), PP. 67 – 68. 122. Ibid P-69. 123. R. B. Smart: Burma Gazetteer.
Akyab District, Vol. A. P-20. 124. M. Collis: Into Hidden Burma. P-7. 125.
Pamela Gutman; Ancient Arakan PP. -1-6 – -1-7. P-73. 126. These paragraphs
concerning Lemyo period (except those in parenthesis) are the extractions from
R. B. Smart’s Burma Gazetteer, Akyab District. Vol. A. where R. B. Smart
himself extracted from Arthur Phayrc. 127. Rakhinc Razawin Thit (Rakhine New
History) Vol. II P-352 128. R. B. smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District Vol.
A. P-20. 129. JASB XIII. (1844) P-36, See also Dr. Kanungo. History of
Chiuagong. Vol. I. Chaptcr XI. Scction III. 130. Guerrciro. Farnao: P-196 131.
Mannucci; Storia De Magar, Vol. I, P-374 (Trans. By William Irrive, London).
132. Martin Smith; Bunna’s Muslims Border Land sold down the river. C. S.
Quarterly 13 (4), P-68. 133. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol I. P. III.
134. lbid; Chapter Xl, Sect. 3. 135. Tin and Luce; Op. Cit, P-75. : 136. Dr.
Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol.I. P-75. . 137. lbid: P-II3. 138. Hall. Op:
Cit. P-239. 139. G.E Harvey, Outline of Burmese History (1947). P-90 140. Moshe
Yagar, The Muslim of Burma, “Muslim settlement in Arakan” P, Also see A SPDC
government publication, “Sasana Yaungwa Tunzepho” [1997] P-63 141. Dr.Than Tun
; Mrauk-U Rakhine, an article in Kalia Magazine, Aug 1994. 142. Dr. Khing Maung
Nyunt, Myanmar prominent professor, An article in University silver Jubilee
Magazine 143. Dr. Kanungo; History of Chittagong, Vol I. P. III. 144. Nafis
Ahmed; Muslim Contribution to the Geography, P-121 145. Moshe Yagar, The Muslim
of Burma, P. 121, P. 146. (a)M.R Rahman, History of Burmese and Arakanese
Muslim in Urdu (1944), (b) Dastance Amir Hamza: A Bengali fable like book
written by an anonymous writer. 147. D.G.E. Hall, Burma. PP 57-58 , Bengali in
Arakan and Their Historical Problem P-10, Published by U Saw Maung (RPDFparty)
1990 148. M.Collis, Arakan Place in the Civilization of the Bay, JBRS, 5th
anniversary publication No.2. P-488 149. Bengali in Arakan and Their Historical
Problem P-10, Published by U Saw Maung (RPDFparty) 150. Takkatho Ne Win:
Bogyokc Aung San. P- . (Then M. L C. Member .Vir.,lbid Carb from DU ,lbid:1long
told the “Titer in Rangoon about this fact). 151. Bengal Disl. Gazetteer:
Chittagong 1798, P-63 152. R. B Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A
P-7! 153. U Hla Tun Pru: In Rakhine Tasaung Magazine, English section. Vol. 21.
(1998), P-148. 154. For a more detailed account in connection this, see
D.G.E.Hall. History of Southeast Asia. London Macmillan. 1958. P-328. 155. G.
E. Harvey: Outline of Burmcse History. P-91. 156. JBRS Vol II. Arakan Place in
the Civilization of Bay P.49 157. U Hla Tun Pru: Rakhine Magazine. Vol. 21,
1998. P-151, See Also: A. Joseph, A Nation within a Nation. P-17. 158. JBRS XV,
P-34. 159. Moshe Yegar. The Muslims of Burma. P-10. 160. Aung Zan. The Family
Tree and the king of early Mrauk-U Dynasty; Rakhine Magazine Vol. 21. P145. 161.
Panditta U Oo Tha Tun Aung: Great History of Arakan. PP. 40, 41.1288 B.E. 162.
P.Nicolas: A Brief Account on the History of Muslim Population in Arakan. An
UNHCR compilation. 4 Aug. 1995. P-I. 163. Moshe Yegar: cites Maj. Ba Shin,
Coming of Islam to Burma down to 17th century AD. A lecture before Asian
History Congress (unpublished) New Delhi 1961. 164. JBRS, 50th Anniversary
Publication No.2. Arakan Place in the civilization of the Bay, by M. Collis,
PP. 491 – 498. 165. U Hla Tun Pru. The Life and Time of King Minba; an article
in a book published by Takkatho Min Lwin. 166. JASP (VI) 1966.p-123 167. All
above paragraphs arc extracted from Harvey’s Outline of Burmese History. 168.
This slave raids in Bengal will be discussed separately in a special chapter.
Also see Harvey; Outline of Burmese History, Chapter Arakan. 169. D. G. E.
Hall: “Burma”, PP. 59,60. 170. R. B.Smart Burmese Gazetteer. Akyab District.
Vol. A. P-26. 171. D. G. E. Hall; Burma. P-60. 172. Albert Fytche: Burma a Past
and Present. P-62. 173. D. G. E: Hall; Burma. P-60. 174. JASP,X (1966) 206,
P-60 Contribution by M. A. Siddiq Khan. 175. Ibid: P-206, 176. Dr. Kanungo;
History of Chittagong. Vol. PP-305 177. AIamgirnamah; PP. 556 – 562. 178.
Elliot and Dowson; VII, P-254. 179. Dr. Kanungo: History of Chittagong. Vol. 1.
PP. 305. 306. 180. Ibid; P-307. Also See Purba Bangia. Gitikar: Pt lV NO.2
P-456. 181. R. B. Smart: Burma Gazetteer. Akyab District. Vol. A. P-26. 182.
Harvey: Outline of Burmese History, PP.95 – 96. 183. Moshe Yeage; The Muslims
of Burma, Chapter Muslim Settlement in Arakan (1972), PP. 59 -60. 184. D. G. E.
Hall; Burma, Hutchison University Library, (1950), P-61 185. Moshe Yegar Quoted
Bernier in his “The Muslims of Burma”. 186. Moshe Yegar; The Muslims of Burma.
M. Yegar extracted these parts from Bernier’s records. D. G. E. Hall: Dutch
Relation with Arakan Part II, BRS 50th Anniversary publication No.2, 1960
Yangon. Shah Shujah and the Dutch Withdrawal in 1665. 187. Moshe Yegar; The
Muslims of Burma. P- . 188. Albert Fytche; Burma Past and Present. Vol, I.
P-66. 189. D. G. E. Hall; Studies in the Dutch relation with Arakan. Part II
(Shah Shujah and the Dutch withdrawal in 1665). JBRS 50th anniversary
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