Thursday, October 26, 2017

Evaluating the Disaster

By Shahid Bolsen
When I first became involved with the Rohingya cause, my immediate analysis was that the mutual economic interests of the Myanmar ruling class and of the international business community were driving the genocidal policy of the government.
I believed that multinational corporations were unbothered by the ethnic cleansing of the Rohingya, and that they, indeed, approved of what the regime was doing in Rakhine because it represented a tried and true policy for conflict management and the consolidation of control over resources.

I did not propose that we could expect MNCs to see the genocide as being bad for business, in and of itself, because, from the standpoint of business, it certainly is not.  Business has taken an approving posture on this issue precisely because it is a good policy for business.  What I proposed was that what activists needed to do was to make it bad for business by imposing negative consequences in the marketplace upon companies that supported the regime, or were otherwise silent and indifferent about the genocide.  Without doing this, because companies are not moral entities, there would be no way to convince them that genocide was a bad idea.

The genocide of the Rohingya has given the regime expanded control over land and resources in Rakhine, decreased official unemployment figures (by expelling hundreds of thousands of people from the potential work force), reduced competition for jobs, cleared land for development, and of course, created sprawling refugee camps both inside and outside the country which can be used as depositories for goods in an essentially captive market, paid for by governments and private donations as part of the humanitarian relief industrial complex.  From all angles, it is good for business.  And this is something the international business community has perceived all along.

This is why the only conceivable way for us to have had an impact would have been to offset that dynamic by imposing negative market consequences, and alternatively, by bestowing market rewards for companies that took a good stance against the genocide.

As I have written time and time again, this is something that can only be achieved through grassroots consumer activism.  We are the crucial element in determining whether any policy is profitable or unprofitable.  A company like Unilever under the astute leadership of Paul Polman realized the potential danger the genocide posed to their regional reputation, and thus to their expected profitability in Southeast Asia; and this is why Unilever issued a public statement in support of the Rohingya.  No one in the campaign was under the illusion that Unilever sincerely cares about the Rohingya.  What they cared about was negative backlash in the regional market, and that is exactly how we argued the case with Polman.

But, at the end of the day, we needed to be able to mobilize that kind of backlash.  Even if we never had to implement it, it had to be something we genuinely had the power to do.  Unfortunately, in my opinion, the activists and organizations concerned with the Rohingya issue have been entirely too unfocused, reactionary, and have continued to rely on strategies that have endlessly proven to be futile; and so here we are today with the genocide, for all intents and purposes, successful.  No doubt, we did not do enough to spread awareness and understanding of our approach, and did not do enough to try to mobilize on the grassroots level.  But nothing whatsoever has occurred that invalidates my initial analysis or the strategy we adopted.  On the contrary; the futile strategies of the past have been proved futile once again, with devastating consequences.

Our solitary condemnation of ARSA too, was entirely justified, and the horrific consequences of their recklessness which we predicted have been fulfilled, and may yet unfold into even worse disasters in the future.

Myanmar may indeed seek repatriation of Rohingya refugees because only a couple hundred thousand Rohingya may be insufficient to be utilized as an instrument for distraction and fear to control the ethnic Rakhine population, or as a tool for maintaining low wages.  If there ever does materialize American or other international military intervention in Rakhine, it will be for this reason; not because the regime committed genocide, but because they mismanaged it.  If the US does intervene militarily (something highly doubtful), they will do so without the slightest interest in the welfare of the Rohingya, but rather as a means of seizing opportunities created by the genocide to preempt China from doing so.

And, still, the same reality holds true.  Only by democratizing corporate power through consumer activism are we ever going to be able to influence events, change policies, and prevent man-made catastrophes like the Rohingya genocide.
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