A repatriation deal to return the Rohingya to Myanmar
from Bangladesh - where refugees’ camps have swollen well past capacity - was
announced in November of last year. But the repatriations due to occur on
January 22nd, 2018 have been delayed.
Furthermore, the Myanmar government’s lack of openness
and transparency with the international community does not represent an
adequate response. To date, Myanmar’s Counsellor Suu Kyi still refuses to grant
access to the United Nations’ fact finders and human rights monitors. In
addition, the World Food Programme’s report highlights emergency-level child
malnutrition and food shortages.
The deal refers to the return of “eligible” refugees,
raising concern over who would be included and excluded. Only Rohingyas with
identity documents will be allowed to return. However, as the Rohingya have
been denied citizenship since 1982, the majority of them do not have verified
documentation.
The UN declared it the “the most urgent refugee emergency
in the world”. Since August last year around 750,000 Rohingya people from
Myanmar have fled to Bangladesh, evading military crackdowns in the Rakhine
State. They joined another 300,000 in Bangladesh who had previous escaped
persecution.
“Dialogue” can build mutual-trust: @mir_sidiquee:
https://mirsdq.blogspot.com/2019/11/dia.html
A repatriation deal to return the Rohingya to Myanmar
from Bangladesh – where refugee’s camps have swollen well past capacity – was
announced in November of last year. But the repatriations due to occur on
January 22nd, 2018 have been delayed.
Vast numbers of Rohingyas, not only in Bangladesh but
numerous other countries around the region, are stateless, living in limbo. Therefore,
the Rohingya repatriation deal, its terms, delay and successful implementation
impacts upon the lives of millions.
Why the delay
Both repatriating the Rohingya to Myanmar and allowing
them to reside in Bangladesh pose large dilemmas. Bangladesh is stretched
beyond capacity.
Yet repatriation cannot occur safely in a short period of
time. Doing so would be both dangerous and premature. In early January the
Myanmar Army admitted its soldiers had captured and executed 10 Rohingyas and
buried them in a mass grave: https://edition.cnn.com/2018/01/28/opinions/rohingya-repatriation-matthew-smith-intl/index.html
On the other hand, allowing them to reside in the
Bangladeshi territory is also causing huge problems. The present population
density, poor sanitation and hygiene conditions in the temporary settlements
are highly risky. These conditions could lead to an outbreak of cholera or
Acute Watery Diarrhoea (AWD), both of which are endemic in Bangladesh. These
diseases could kill thousands of Rohingyas.
Even though the agreement stated it would be a “safe,
secure and dignified” process, the deal failed to outline what conditions the
Rohingya will face upon their return and whether it would be any different to
their earlier situation. Many Rohingyas, who were not involved in planning the
deal, were fearful of being forced to return.
The deal doesn’t include a guarantee for the provision of
basic rights for the Rohingya’s Rights such as freedom from persecution and
violence, work rights and perhaps most importantly the granting of citizenship.
Without these provisions there is deep concern that the Rohingya would be repatriated
only to experience a similar situation to the one which they fled.
What is at stake?
The bilateral repatriation deal between Bangladesh and
Myanmar is not the first initiative of its kind for the two countries; a
similar deal was sealed in 1992. An initial agreement, reached on November
23rd, 2017, laid the groundwork for the repatriation deal which would see the
return of thousands of Rohingyas to Myanmar from Bangladesh. It promised to
ensure the return was a ‘safe, secure and dignified’ process. https://time.com/5112132/bangladesh-rohingya-refugees-repatriation-myanmar-postponed/
Under the deal, 1,500 “eligible” Rohingyas would be
returned each week. In addition, only those who fled after October 9, 2016 have
the possibility of repatriation. The deal specified that repatriation will
occur from five camps in Bangladesh and the Rohingyas will be resettled in
temporary accommodation at reception centres in Myanmar.
If careful attention is not given towards the whole
repatriation process, instead of serving as a ‘way out’ the deal will only
worsen the humanitarian catastrophe that has been occurring for decades.
Decades of persecution
The Rohingya peoples whose homeland is in the Rakhine
State of Myanmar, have faced decades of persecution and denial of citizenship.
In fact, the Rohingyas had been fleeing to Bangladesh since the 1940s. Most
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh are living in two camps built in the regions of
Teknaf and Cox’s Bazar.
The military crackdown, beginning in August last year
that sparked the mass exodus has killed an estimated 6,700 people. The UN
condemned the attack and called it a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing”.
The Myanmar government argued the violence was due to insurgency attacks by
Rohingya militants on several security posts in Rakhine.
Rohingya in other countries: Malaysia and
Indonesia
Rohingya have been leaving Myanmar for Malaysia since the
1970s. For many of them, Malaysia is their chosen destination due to its status
as a Muslim nation, the large network of Rohingya in the country and the
prospect of better opportunities and living conditions. Malaysia currently
hosts a population of around 150,000 Rohingyas, however only 65,910 of them are
registered with UNHCR.
Life in Malaysia is very challenging for the four
generations of stateless Rohingya people in Peninsular Malaysia who have no
status before the law. Without residency status, integration with the local
communities remains impossible and they are excluded from accessing public
services, such as public schools. Schools run by NGO, religious and community
organisations are only able to provide very basic primary education. This is only
enough to equip the children with literacy and numeracy levels adequate for
low-skilled jobs in the often exploitative informal economy.
While Indonesia has taken on a leadership role in the
region, supporting the Rohingyas in Myanmar and Bangladesh, a similar situation
to that in Myanmar is also present in Indonesia. There, despite being stuck for
years, Rohingyas have not been treated differently to other refugees.
Although Indonesia is not party to the 1951 Refugee
Convention, the standard of treatment and procedure for foreign refugee is
consistent. Indonesia has adhered to the principle of non-refoulement since the
Cold War period. This principle was formalised by the decree No. 125/2016 on
“the treatment of foreign refugees”. Nevertheless, refugees and asylum seekers
still face many restrictions on mobility and job access; a situation that
resembles what they experienced in Myanmar.
International community should step up
During a recent visit to Bangladesh in January 2018,
Indonesian president Joko Widodo (Jokowi) delivered aid packages to Rohingya
refugees in Cox’s Bazaar. Despite this active show of humanitarian diplomacy,
Rohingya refugees in Indonesia remain trapped in limbo.
The UNHCR in Indonesia is coordinating with the relevant
ministries, especially the Coordinating Ministry of Politics, Law, and
Security’s desk, regarding the handling of refugees. They are advocating for an
effective refugee policy that will make it possible for refugees to move
outside of the city, be educated and to work legally. Currently, this desk is
focusing on the establishment of 13 refugee shelters in 13 provinces throughout
the archipelago.
Malaysia’s visible efforts to alleviate the ongoing
Rohingya crisis have prompted other countries to follow suit. After opening a
RM 3.5 million field hospital (US$884,555) in a refugee camps in Bangladesh, Saudi
Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have begun to contribute as well. Back in
December 2016, Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak publicly condemned Aung San
Suu Kyi and called for Muslim solidarity worldwide to help the Rohingya.
Regardless of these positive steps, constructive
engagement with Myanmar to acknowledge Rohingya as citizens and end the ongoing
and systematic discrimination against Rohingya should be pursued relentlessly.
ASEAN can fill the gap by playing an active role in this
effort. Engagement to ensure the repatriation deal is done in accordance with
humanitarian standards and takes into account the concerns of Rohingya people
is also a necessity. International donors and states should also be encouraged
to provide more resources and support for Bangladesh as a host for refugees.
However, these approaches may not lead to an instant
policy change by Myanmar. Only through continued engagement with the two
countries, can a long-term, peaceful solution for the Rohingya be realised.
Source: The Good Men Project