Myanmar’s unwieldy,
inexperienced civil service weighs down efforts to move the country forward.
By Tej Parikh
Without a revamp to
its archaic state apparatus, Myanmar isn’t going anywhere fast.
De-facto ruler Aung
San Suu Kyi may have been lambasted for the slow pace of economic reforms,
alongside a stalling peace process, but the reality for those losing patience
is that anyone in power would have their capacity severely restrained by an
inept, corrupt, and bloated bureaucracy underneath.
After storming to an
electoral victory in 2015, Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) party
inherited the unenviable task of meeting high expectations without an effective
government architecture to support it. Indeed, decades of rule by the military,
also known as the Tatmadaw, has rendered the Southeast Asian nation’s
policymaking institutions rigid and ineffective.
Their incredibly
hierarchical structure meant minimal delegation to middle management, which in
turn has meant that a pipeline of younger bureaucrats with expertise has never
never been developed. Now, ministerial-level experience is dangerously
concentrated in the hands of a few silver-haired civil servants suffering from
age-related health issues.
Competency is also a
major issue. Many higher-level officials have found their way to the top
through loyalty under the Tatmadaw, and not through merit. It means that
decision-making and leadership skills — coupled with technical know-how — is
severely lacking. What’s more, after decades of towing the line under the
junta, stagnation in the civil service has been entrenched by a dearth of
innovative thinking.
Corruption also
remains rife. More
than one in two civil servants say that
their colleagues ask for additional payments to do their work, adding that
bribery and nepotism are also problematic. This extends to the very top. Kyaw
Win, the NLD’s former finance minister and longtime civil servant, resigned in
May following an investigation into graft allegations.
Of course, the
demise of the public sector under the Tatmadaw followed over a century of
mismanagement under colonial rule until independence in 1948. The British
dissolved the monarchy, which acted as a highly centralized form of government,
and divided it into numerous cantons with the majority of public sector positions
filled by Anglo-Burmese and Indian subjects.
Altogether, the
result is an unwieldy and low-skilled civil service employing around 1 million
people — over double the size of the U.K.’s civil service. And while State
Counsellor Suu Kyi has certainly made some questionable choices — perhaps
reflecting her reincarnation from human rights advocate to politician — its
this broader context that helps to explain the country’s lack of progress in
the past two years.
Indeed, Suu Kyi has
had little expertise around her to facilitate bureaucratic reform. Her cabinet
was largely discredited for its lack of experience and credentials — fake degrees at the top
level are somewhat of a banality. Ministers have been chopped and changed, and
the position of president has also switched hands after former head of state
Htin Kyaw stepped down citing ill health. Meanwhile the NLD’s senior ranks also
lack serious policymaking nous, being largely fronted by former activists and
political prisoners. https://www.wsj.com/articles/new-myanmar-cabinet-members-face-questions-about-academic-credentials-1458812480
Instead, Suu Kyi has
adopted an authoritarian style of leadership, taking on several roles,
including heading up the foreign ministry alongside her state counsellor
duties, while often being described as a micro-manager and a disciplinarian in meetings.
Whether its a lack of capacity — or willingness — to delegate, it will deepen
the civil service’s challenges with inexperience. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/mar/31/aung-san-suu-kyi-myanmars-great-hope-fails-to-live-up-to-expectations
Meanwhile, whatever
reforms and deliberations bureaucrats make, they will also be limited by the
Tatmadaw’s power; in its oversight of key administrative ministries (particularly the
Home, and Border Affairs), control over its funding, and its reserved seats in
parliament. But while overhauling the 2008 Constitution, which gives the
military so much leeway, is the only meaningful way to achieve “big ticket”
changes in Myanmar, it is currently very much an impossible dream — with many
commanders unlikely to relinquish powers they profit from. http://www.myanmar-now.org/news/i/?id=48490300-cd0d-4c1a-bff3-42ed871da11e
That said, some
long-term improvements in the culture and competency of the nation’s civil
service can begin today. Firstly, boosting pay and encouraging meritocracy by
rewarding and incentivizing performance is key, and it can act in tandem with
wider transparency measures to reduce the attractiveness of bribes. Secondly,
increasing staff access to flexible learning and training courses with an
emphasis on technology and management skills can instill an ethos of continuous
learning and help to refresh old policymaking processes.
Ministers also need
data analysis tools and expertise to help map out and utilize their nationwide
resources more strategically. Meanwhile, the government must also place greater
emphasis on recruiting women and ethnic minorities who are underrepresented. This
has the dual benefit of improving diversity of thought and also helps to build
vested interests in healthy public services across the nation’s diverse and
often conflicted society. https://frontiermyanmar.net/en/how-civil-service-reform-can-contribute-to-reconciliation-and-peace
Much of this is
already on the agenda through various initiatives, but it needs international
funding and technical support at time when the global community is wavering in
its pledges, while the military crackdown on ethnic minorities continues.
Expecting progress
on the nation’s economic or social front without reform to its civil service is
futile. And overturning a legacy of ineptitude at the heart of the country’s
governance structure will take far longer than the NLD’s 5-year term,
particularly with constitutional complications. The Myanmar government needs
all the help it can get.